A Soldier of the Seventy-first, From De la Plata to Waterloo 1806-1815, Joseph Sinclair
A Soldier of the Seventy-first, From De la Plata to Waterloo 1806-1815, Joseph Sinclair
This is a very rare example of a memoir published by a private soldier of the Napoleonic period, originally published in 1819, only a few years after the last events covered in the text. Our anonymous author was an educated Edinburgh man, who joined the army in a fit of pique after failing disastrously as an actor. As an educated man he was something of an outside in the 71st Regiment, and this sense of detachment greatly increases his value as a witness, allowing him to comment of features of army life that might have otherwise passed unremarked.
The text actually includes the work of at least two authors, starting with our failed actor, but about half-way through the story he fell ill, and the rest of the work was based on the memories of a second soldier. This switch has little effect on the quality of the text, and does mean that we get an eyewitness account of the 71st Regiment's role in the entire Peninsular War, as well as the failed expeditions to South American and Walcheren.
This edition was edited by Stuart Reid, who has also potentially solved the mystery surrounding the identity of the anonymous author (or rather authors) after some patient detective work comparing his regiment's muster rolls with the events narrated in the text. Joseph Sinclair emerges as the actor and author of the first part of the work, while a James Todd may be the main source for the second part.
This is one of the most valuable memoirs to have emerged from the British army during the Napoleonic Wars, providing us with a rare view of events from the point of view of the common soldier.
Four unnamed chapters
Author: Joseph Sinclair
Year: 2010 reissue of 1819 original
A Soldier of the Seventy-first, From De la Plata to Waterloo 1806-1815, Joseph Sinclair - History
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'The author's sharp eye for the illuminating detail and the oddities of human behaviour enabled him to present a picture of army life as graphic and revealing as any drawn by a private soldier during the Napoleonic Wars' - Christopher Hibbert
This remarkable memoir was first published in Edinburgh in 1819 and has withstood the test of time. One cannot improve on Sir Charles Oman's description of the book as: 'the work of a man of superior education, who had enlisted in a moment of pique and humiliation to avoid facing at home the consequences of his own conceit and folly. The author wrote from the ranks, yet was so different in education and mental equipment from his comrades that he does not take their vies and habits for granted'.
The reader receives the narrative of an intelligent observer, describing the behaviour of his regiment as it travelled the globe. His account covers Whitelock's disastrous South American adventure in 1806, the Peninsular War, the Walcheren Expedition and the Battle of Waterloo. For the first time, Joseph Sinclair has been unmasked as the author of the memoir, thanks to new research work by Stuart Reid.
Stuart Reid was born in Aberdeen in 1954 and has served with the Royal Regiment
of Fusiliers. His previous work includes Wellington's Highland Warriors (Frontline Books). He is currently working on a full-length military history of the last Anglo-Scots War 1639&ndash1651.
You will discover it's the story of an intelligent observer, describing the behaviour of his regiment as it travelled the globe.Skirmish - Living History
This edition was edited by Stuart Reid, who has also potentially solved the mystery surrounding the identity of the anonymous author (or rather authors) after some patient detective work comparing his regiment's muster rolls with the events narrated in the text. Joseph Sinclair emerges as the actor and author of the first part of the work, while a James Todd may be the main source for the second part.
This is one of the most valuable memoirs to have emerged from the British army during the Napoleonic Wars, providing us with a rare view of events from the point of view of the common soldier.History of War
A Soldier of the Seventy-first, From De la Plata to Waterloo 1806-1815, Joseph Sinclair - History
By Robert Burnham & Gareth Glover
Contrary to popular belief, many soldiers in the British Army were literate. Some wrote memoirs, others kept diaries, and some wrote home fairly frequently. This listing is alphabetical by the soldier’s last name.
Abbott, John. “Letter to Anne Bank dated 12 November 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 155 – 157
Notes: ws a private in Major John Keyt’s Company of the 51st Foot at Waterloo.
Aldridge, William. “Waterloo Letter # 128, dated December 1834” in Waterloo Letters. Herbert T. Siborne (ed.). London: Greenhill, 1993. Pages 301 – 303
Notes: was a corporal in Captain George Miller’s Company 2nd Battalion 95th Rifles at Waterloo.
Anonymous A Narrative of a Private Soldier in His Majesty’s 92nd Regiment of Foot. London 1820 147 pages
Notes: Ireland 1798, Holland 1799, Egypt 1801
Anonymous. Jottings from My Sabretasch. Godmanchester: Ken Trotman 2005. 292 pages. [Probably Troop Sergeant William Dawes]
Notes: 15th Hussars Corunna Campaign Peninsula 1813 – 1814 Waterloo.
Anonymous. “Letter to Father dated 24 June 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 198 – 199
Notes: was a private in the 42nd Highlanders and severely wounded at Quatre Bras. Missed Waterloo because of wound.
Anonymous. “Letter to His Wife” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 31 – 33.
Notes: was a sergeant in the 2nd Royal North British Dragoons (Scots Greys).
Anonymous. Personal Narrative of a Private Soldier in the 42nd Highlanders. Cambridge: Ken Trotman 1996. 289 pages.
Notes: In 1st and 2nd Battalions Corunna, Walcheren, Peninsula 1812-1814 wounded at Toulouse.
Anton, James. Retrospect of a Military Life. Cambridge: Ken Trotman 1991. 395 pages.
Notes: was in the 42nd Highlanders. Covers 1813-1815
Armstrong, Richard. “Letter His Mother and Sisters dated 1 September 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 157 – 158
Notes: was a private in Captain John Ross’ Company 1st Battalion 51st Foot at Waterloo.
Bald, John. “Letter to His Mother dated 26 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 231 – 233
Notes: was a private in Captain William Stewart’s Number 1 Company 91st Foot at Waterloo.
Bingham, Thomas. “Letter to His Siblings dated 4 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 37 – 38
Notes: was in the Royal Horse Guards at Waterloo.
Bingley, John. “Two Letters to His Father dated 17 May and 13 August 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 39 – 41
Notes: was a private in H Troop of the Royal Horse Guards and seriously wounded at Waterloo.
Blainey, William. Bonaparte versus Blainey. Union Springs: Tallcot Bookshop 1988. PB 48 pages.
Notes: Retired as a sergeant. Was in 51st Regiment served in Walcheren and Peninsula from 1811 – 1814.
Bentinck, Richard. The Very Thing: the Memoirs of Drummer Richard Bentinck Royal Welch Fusiliers 1807-1823. Jonathan Crook (ed.). London: Frontline, 2011. 208 pages.
Notes: Served in 1st Battalion at Copenhagen (1807), Martinique (1809), Peninsula (1810-1814), and Waterloo.
Boulter, Samuel. “Letter to His Brother dated 23 September 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 78 – 80
Notes: was a private in Captain Fenton’s Troop in the 2nd Dragoons at Waterloo.
Brown, Robert. An Impartial Journal of a Detachment from the Brigade of Foot Guards, Commencing 25th February 1793 and Ending 9th May 1795. Godmanchester: Ken Trotman 2006. 280 page.
Brown, William. With the 45th at Badajoz, Salamanca, and Vittoria. Darlington: Napoleonic Archive (no date probably 2003). 44 pages.
Notes: Served in the 1st Battalion arrived in the Peninsula in 1809 and fought at Busaco, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz (great descriptions of the assault and pillage of the city), Salamanca (great description of being ridden down by French cavalry), the 1813 retreat, and battle for Vitoria and the subsequent looting of the French baggage train. Also served as an officer’s servant. Fantastic descriptions of the daily life of a soldier on campaign.
Brown, William. The Autobiography, Or Narrative of a Soldier. London: J. Paterson, 1829.
Notes: was a private and served in the 1st Battalion 45th Foot.
Byfield, Shadrach. The Adventures of Private Shadrach 41st Foot in North America, 1812 – 14. Gareth Glover (ed.) Godmanchester: Ken Trotman, 2017. 69 pages.
Notes: was in the Light Company. Fought at Detroit, the River Raisan, Point Frederick, Fort Niagara, and Black Rock where he lost his arm..
Calladine, George. Colour Sergeant Calladine. Darlington: Napoleonic Archive ND.
Notes: Derbyshire Militia 1805 19th Foot 1811. Ceylon 1814 – 1816.
Butler, Robert. Narrative of the Life and Travels of Serjeant B— , written by himself. Edinburgh: David Brown, 1826.
Notes: was a fifer in the 26th Foot. In 1806 enlisted in the the 1st Foot and was the fife-major in India. The 3rd edition, which was published in 1854, is a much expanded edition.
Calladine, George. Diary of Colour-Sergeant George Calladine, 19th Foot, 1793-1837. Ferrar, M.L. (ed.). Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, nd. 224 pages.
Notes: is a reprint of the 1922 edition was in Derbyshire Militia 1805 19th Foot 1811. Ceylon 1814 – 1816.
Clarke, William. “Letter to His Parents” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 27 – 31.
Notes: was a sergeant in Captain Robert Vernon’s Troops of the 2nd Royal North British Dragoons (Scots Greys).
Clarke, William. A Scots Grey at Waterloo: the Remarkable Story of Sergeant William Clarke. Gareth Glover (ed.). Barnsley: Frontline, 2017.
Notes: Covers 1803 – 1825. Has great descriptions of the charge of the Union Brigade and the battlefield afterwards, especially his expereicne on being on a burial party the day after the battle..
Clay, Mathew. Narrative of the Battle of Quatre Bras & Waterloo With the Defence of Hougoumont. Gareth Glover (ed.). Godmanchester: Ken Trotman 2006. 43 pages
Clay, Matthew. With the Guards at Hougoumont. Darlington: Napoleonic Archive. n.d. 20 pages.
Notes: Clay was a private in the Light Company of the 2nd Battalion 3rd Foot Guards. A great description of Quate Bras and the defense of Hougoumont from a private’s perspective!
Colgan, Matthew. “Memoirs” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume IV: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2012. Pages 91- 96
Notes: was a sergeant in Captain George Luard’s Troop of the 18th Hussars.
Collett, John. John Collet and the Company of Foot Guards. Barbara Chambers (ed.) Letchworth Garden City: Barbara Chambers 1996. 2 vols.
Notes: 1st Foot Guards 1803-1823 private about 15% of book is his diary.
Cooper, John S. Rough Notes of Seven Campaigns: 1809-1815. Staplehurst: Spellmount Library 1996. 160 pages. ISBN: 1-873376-65-0
Notes: Rose to the rank of sergeant. Was in the 7th Fusiliers. In all of the major battles of Peninsula, plus New Orleans.
Costello, Edward. The Peninsular and Waterloo Campaigns Hamden: Archon Books 1968. 194 pages. SBN: 208-00630-3
Notes: Was in 1st Battalion, 95th Rifles 1809 – 1815. Wounded at Quatre Bras missed Waterloo
Cotton, Edward. “Letter # 48, dated 7 September 1845” in Letters from the Battle of Waterloo: Unpublished Correspondence by Allied Officers from the Siborne Papers. Gareth Glover (ed.). London: Greenhill 2004. Page 80
Notes: was a private in the 7th Hussars at Waterloo wrote “A Voice from Waterloo”.
Coulter, Richard. “Letter to His Cousin dated 20 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 35 – 37
Notes: was a corporal in the 1st Life Guards at Waterloo. Horse was killed and he was wounded in hand and serious contusions in left arm. Great description of being trapped under his horse.
Critchley, Thomas. Letter, dated 24 July 1815″ in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume IV: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2012. Pages 53 – 54
Notes: was a sergeant in Captain Phipps 5th Troop, 1st Royal Dragoons.
Cruikshank, A. “Waterloo Letter # 157, dated September 1839” in Waterloo Letters. Herbert T. Siborne (ed.). London: Greenhill, 1993. Pages 360 – 362
Notes: was a prvate in Captain William Marshall’s Light Company 1st Battalion 79th Foot at Waterloo “The Waterloo Medal Roll” lists his name as Carrickshank.
Cummings Alexander Sergeant Letter from Sergeant Cummings 92nd Foot dated St Augustine Hospital Brussels. 18 July 1815. Letters from Waterloo. Edited by Clive Hodges. The Cobbold family History Trust 2016.
Dayes, John. Memoir of the Military Career of John Dayes, late Paymaster Sergeant of the 5th Regiment of Foot. Cambridge: Ken Trotman 2004. 26 pages.
Notes: Holland 1799 Buenos Aires 1806 Corunna Campaign returned to the Peninsula in 1812.
Dewar, William. “Letter to His Brother dated 5 August 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 191 – 194
Notes: was a colour sergeant in the 1st Battalion 79th Foot at Waterloo.
Dickson Corporal. Scots Greys at Waterloo. Darlington: Napoleonic Archive n.d. 39 pages.
Notes: Primarily the account of Corporal Dickson of F Troop (Captain Vernon’s Troop). A great description of the charge of the Union Brigade.
Dickson, John. “Letters # 78 and 79, dated 24 April and 2 May 1843” in Letters from the Battle of Waterloo: Unpublished Correspondence by Allied Officers from the Siborne Papers. Gareth Glover (ed.). London: Greenhill 2004. Pages 138 – 139
Notes: was a sergeant in Captain Edward Whinyate’s Royal Horse Artillery Rocket Troop at Waterloo possibly a driver.
Dilley, James. “A Private of the 40th Foot at Badajoz”. Edited by Gareth Glover. Waterloo Journal.Vol. 36 No. 1. Spring, 2015.
Notes: was in Major Richard Archdall’s Company, 1st Battalion 40th Foot.. Is a Lletter to his parents dated 5 November 1811. Covers his wound at the 1st Siege of Badajoz on 5 May 1811.
Dunnett, Daniel. “Letter # 77, dated 1 May 1843” in Letters from the Battle of Waterloo: Unpublished Correspondence by Allied Officers from the Siborne Papers. Gareth Glover (ed.). London: Greenhill 2004. Page 137
Notes: was a sergeant in Captain Edward Whinyate’s Royal Horse Artillery Rocket Troop at Waterloo
Donaldson, Joseph. Recollections of the Eventful Life of a Soldier. Staplehurst: Spellmount 2000. 499 pages. ISBN: 1-86277-085-6
Notes: Enlisted in 1809 and served in the Peninsula from 1809-1814. was a sergeant by the time he left the army.
Douglas, John, Douglas’s Tale of the Peninsula & Waterloo: 1808-1815. Stanley Monick (ed.) London: Leo Cooper 1997. 133 pages.
Notes: Sergeant by 1814 1st Foot Walcheren Peninsula 1809-1814 Waterloo.
Eadie, Robert. On Campaign with the 79th Cameron Highlanders: Through Portugal and Spain. Darlington: Napoleonic Archive no date. 47 pages.
Notes: Eadie was an enlisted soldier, served in the Peninsula from 1809 – 1813, when he was invalided out of the service. Interesting description of Busaco and the Chelsea Hospital.
Ebbecke, Ludwig. A Hussar Sergeant in the King’s German Legion: the Memoirs of Cavalry Sergeant Ebbecke, 2nd Hussar Regiment King’s German Legion, 1803 – 1815. Gareth Glover (ed.). Godmanchester: Ken Trotman, 2017. PB. 70 pages.
Notes: was a sergeant in the 2nd KGL Hussars was at Staslund, the siege of Copenhagen in 1807, Walcheren, the Peninsula from 1810 to 1812, Holland in 1813 was not at Waterloo.
Edwards, John. “Letter to His Brother, dated 14 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 102 – 103
Notes: was a gunner in Ross’s RHA Troop.
Ewart, Charles. “Undated Letter” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume III: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2011. Pages 33 – 34
Notes: was a sergeant in Captain Vernon’s Troop of the 2nd Royal North British Dragoons and captured the eagle of the French 45th Line Regiment.
Facey, Peter. The Diary of a Veteran The Diary of Sergeant Peter Facey, 28th (North Gloucester) Regiment of Foot 1803-19. Gareth Glover (ed.). Godmanchester: Ken Trotman, 2007. 68 Pages.
Notes: In Grenadier Company of 1st Battalion served at the Siege of Copenhagen, Walcheren, Barossa, Arroyomolinos, Almaraz, Vittoria, the Nive, Toulouse & Waterloo.
Gallagher, Samuel. The Journal of Trooper Samuel Gallagher, 5th Dragoon Guards in Spain, Portugal and France, 1810-1815. Godmanchester: Ken Trotman, 2017. 112 pages.
Notes: went to Portugal in August 1811. Was a corporal at Salamanca and participated in General Le Marchant’s charge, where he was wounded. Was promoted to sergeant in July 1813, but reduced to private in June 1814. He transferred to the 10th Hussars on 23 June 1815. Was not at Waterloo, but was in the Army of Occupation of France.
Garretty, Thomas. Memoirs of a Sergeant Late in the Forty-third Light Infantry Regiment previous to and during the Peninsular War. Cambridge: Ken Trotman 1998. 278 pages.
Notes: Served in attack on Copenhagen 1806 Peninsula: Corunna Campaign returned to Peninsula in June, 1809 good account of River Coa seriously wounded at Badajoz returns to England in 1812. Much of the book appears to be paraphrased from Napier’s History.
Gray, John. “Letter to His Brother dated 13 April 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VII: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2019. Pages 168 – 169
Notes: was a private in the 2nd Battalion 33rd Foot.. Letter talks about deployment to Flanders and quarters.
Green, John: The Vicissitudes of a Soldier’s Life or a Series of Occurrences from 1806 to 1815 Wakefield: EP Publishing No date (Probably circa 1965). 239 pages.
Notes: Was enlisted soldier in 68th Regiment Walcheren served in Peninsula from 1810-1813 wounded at San Sebastian.
Green, William. Where Duty Calls Me: The Experiences of William Green of Lutterworth in the Napoleonic Wars Teague, John and Dorothea (editors).West Wickham: Synjon Books 1975. 72 pages. .
Notes: Enlisted in the Leicester Militia in 1803. Joined the 95th in 1805. Served in Germany, 1805 Copenhagen, 1807 campaign in Spain 1808 – 1809, including Corunna served with 1st Battalion in Peninsula from 1809 – 1812 wounded at siege of Badajoz and invalided home. was a company bugler.
Gunn, James. “Memoirs” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 193 – 195.
Notes: was a private in Captain James Sterling’s Company of the 1st Battalion 42nd Foot.
Hale, James. The Journal of James Hale: Late Serjeant in the ninth Regiment of Foot Windsor: IX Regiment 1998. PB 139 pages.
Notes: Enlisted in Royal North Gloucester Regiment in 1801 volunteered for the 9th in 1807 Rolica, Vimiero, Coruna, and Walcheren Peninsula from 1810 -1813 wounded at San Sebastian and invalided home.
Haley, Arthur H. The Soldier Who Walked Away: The Autobiography of Andrew Pearson a Peninsular War Veteran Liverpool: Bullfinch Publications circa 1991. 130 pages.
Notes: Served in the 61st Regiment at Egypt Maida Gibraltar Peninsula 1809 – 1812.
Hamilton, Anthony. Hamilton’s Campaign with Moore and Wellington during the Peninsular War Staplehurst: Spellmount 1998. 164 pages.
Notes: In the 2nd Battalion in the Peninsula from 1808-1813. In 1st Battalion of Detachments. Captured at San Sebastian in 1813.
Hanley, William. “Capture of the Enemy’s Picket at Blanchez Sanchez” published in William Maxwell’s Peninsular Sketches by Actors on the Scene Cambridge: Ken Trotman 1998. Two Volumes 389 and 399 pages.
Notes: Vol 2 Pages 380 – 388. Author was a NCO in the 14th Light Dragoons.
Harris, John. The Recollection of Rifleman Harris Hibbert, Christopher (ed.). London: Leo Cooper 1970. 140 pages.
Notes: 1806 – 1809 was in the 2nd Battalion, 95th Rifles was at Copenhagen, Corunna, and Walcheren.
Harrison Samuel The Peninsular War Journal of Sergeant Samuel Harrison of the 43rd Foot 1796-1812. Edited Gareth Glover, Ken Trotman Publishing 2017
Hasker, Thomas. “Waterloo Letters” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 18-22
Notes: was a private in the 1st King’s Dragoon Guards.
Hemingway, George. “Letter to His Mother, dated 14 August 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 166 – 168.
Notes: was a private in the 33rd Foot at Waterloo.
Jackson, Thomas. Narrative of the Eventful Life of Thomas Jackson: Militiaman and Coldstream Sergeant, 1803 – 1815. Eamonn O’Keefe (ed.). Solihull: Helion, 2018.
Notes: Was a sergeant in the :Light Company of the Staffordshire Militia from 1803 to 1811 volunteered for the Coldstream Guards and served in the 1813 – 1814 Holland Campaign in the Light Company of the 2nd Battalion where he was wounded and captured at the storming of Bergen-op-Zoom. Was not at Waterloo.
Jeremiah, Thomas. A Short Account of the Life and Adventures of Private Thomas Jeremiah, 23rd or Royal Welch Fusiliers 1812-1837, including His Experiences at the Battle of Waterloo. Gareth Glover (ed.). Godmanchester: Ken Trotman 2008. 32 pages.
Jeremiah, Thomas. “Waterloo Memoirs” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume IV: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2012. Pages 177 – 194.
Notes: was a private in Captain Henry Johnson’s 6th Company 1st Battalion of the 23rd Foot at Waterloo this account is the same as above.
Johnston, Archibald. “Waterloo Journal” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 33 – 72.
Notes: was a sergeant in Major James Poole’s Troop of the 2nd Royal North British Dragoons (Scots Guards) contains transcript of his court-martial.
Jones, John. “The Old Halberdier: from the Pyrenees to the Plattsburgh with a Welshman of the 39th”. Edited by Eamonnn O’Keeffe. Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research. Vol. 95 Numbers 38 – 383 (Spring, Summer, Autumn 2017). Pages 17 – 34, 141 – 160, 207 – 226
Notes: was in the 39th Foot was a sergeant, but reduced to private. Served in Spain, France, and North America.
Knight, Thomas. “The Reminiscences of Thomas Knight of the 95th (Rifles)” in Men of the Rifles. Leonaur, 2008. Pages 19 – 110
Notes: was a 16 year old enlistee in 1813 in the 3rd Battalion 95th Rifles Holland in 1814 in Captain James Fullerton’s Company at Waterloo only pages 19 – 40 deal with the Napoleonic Wars, rest deals with his time in Portugal in the 1830s.
Lawrence, William. A Dorset Soldier: The Autobiography of Sergeant William Lawrence 1790 – 1869. Hathaway, Eileen (ed.). Tunbridge Wells: Spellmount 1993. 176 pages.
Notes: Was in the 40th Foot. Served in Buenos Aires Peninsula 1808 – 1814 New Orleans was in Captain John Barnett’s Company 1st Battalion at Waterloo.
Lewis, John. “Letter to His Family dated 8 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 158 – 161.
Notes: was a private in Captain John Lewis’s Company of the 2nd Battalion 95th Rifles at Waterloo.
Lindau, Friederich. A Waterloo Hero: the Reminiscences of Friedrich Lindau. James Bogle and Andrew Uffindell (ed.). Barnsley: Pen & Sword, 2009. 224 pages
Notes: was a private in the 2nd KGL Light Battalion in Peninsula from 1811-1814 at Albuera, the expedition to Llerena, the siege of the forts at Salamanca, the battle of Salamanca, the siege of Burgos, Venta del Pozo, Vitoria, Tolosa, the storming of San Sebastian, the crossing of the Bidossa River, the crossing of the Adour River, and Bayonne at Waterloo, where he helped defend La Haye Sainte and was captured.
Lindau, Friederich. “The Defence of the Farmstead of L Haye Sainte” in Anonymous. Glover, Gareth (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume II: German Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 78 – 88
Notes: was a private in the 2nd KGL Light Battalion.
Lord, Joseph. “Waterloo Letter” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 12 -18.
Notes: was a private in the 2nd Life Guards letters are to his wife.
Lowe, John. The Humble Address of J. Lowe, Late Sergeant of His Majesty’s 2nd Battalion 95th. London: Sarah Davis, 1827. 61 pages.
Notes: was a sergeant in the 2nd Battalion 95th Rifles. Served at Rolica, Vimeiro, the retreat to Corunna, Walcheran Expedition, sieges of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, Salamanca, Vitoria, Vera, Toulouse, and Waterloo — where he was taken prisoner. His narrative begins on page 29.
MacLaurence, Richard. “His Account of Waterloo dated 12 January 1843” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 140-142
Notes: was a private in the Light Company of the 2nd Battalion Coldstream Guards at Waterloo and was a defender of Hougoumont.
Marshall, John. “Letter to His Parents” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 87 – 92.
Notes: was a private in Captain Charles Woods’ 6th Troop of the 10th Hussars.
McEween, Alexander. “Waterloo Letter # 165” in Waterloo Letters. Herbert T. Siborne (ed.). London: Greenhill, 1993. Pages 377 – 378
Notes: was a corporal in Captain James Stirling’s Company at Waterloo “The Waterloo Medal Roll” spells his name as McEwan.
Miller, Benjamin. The Adventures of Serjeant Benjamin Miller Whilst Serving in the 4th Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Artillery 1796 – 1815. Dallington: Naval & Military Press 1999. 43 pages.
Morley, Stephen. Memoirs of a Sergeant of the 5th Regiment of Foot, containing an Account of His Service, in Hanover, South America, and the Peninsula Cambridge: Ken Trotman 1999. 123 pages. ISBN: 0-946879-82-6
Notes: Served in 1806 expedition to Buenes Aires Peninsula from 1808 – 1813 Rolica, Vimiero, Corunna Campaign where he was captured. Escaped and made his way to Portugal. Assigned to 2nd Battalion of Detachments until after Talavera. Returned to England in October 1809. Returned to Peninsula in 1812. Was invalided from retreat of 1812 and returned to England in early 1813.
Morris, Thomas. The Napoleonic Wars: Thomas Morris Selby, John (ed.).Hamden: Archon Books 1968. 151 pages. SBN: 208 00631 1
Notes: Was in the 73rd Foot served 1813 – 1817 North German Campaign and Waterloo.
Nicol, Daniel. “Daniel Nicol’s with the First Battalion of Detachments” in With Abercrombie and Moore in Egypt Gibbs, Peter and David Watkins (Editors). Bridgnorth: First Empire 1995. PB. Pages 14-34
Nicol, Daniel. With Abercrombie and Moore in Egypt Gibbs, Peter and David Watkins (Editors). Bridgnorth: First Empire 1995. PB.
Nicol, Daniel. “With Abercrombie and Moore in Egypt. From the Unpublished Diary of Sergeant Daniel Nicol” in With Napoleon at Waterloo and Other Unpublished Documents of the Waterloo and Peninsular Campaigns. Mac Kenzie and Mac Bride (ed.). London: Francis Griffiths, 1911. Pages 7-68.
Nicol, Daniel . “A British Prisoner in France, His Sufferings and his Adventures. From the Diary of Sergeant Nicol” in With Napoleon at Waterloo and Other Unpublished Documents of the Waterloo and Peninsular Campaigns. Mac Kenzie and Mac Bride (ed.). London: Francis Griffiths, 1911. Pages 203-244.
Notes: In 92nd Foot captured at Talavera, not released until 1814.
Nicol, Daniel. “The Gordon Highlanders in Spain, a Forgotten Page in their History from the Unpublished Diary of Sergeant Nicol” in With Napoleon at Waterloo and Other Unpublished Documents of the Waterloo and Peninsular Campaigns. Mac Kenzie and Mac Bride (ed.). London: Francis Griffiths, 1911. Pages 86-111.
Notes: In 92nd Foot covered his time with the 1st Battalion of Detachments in 1809.
Nicol, Thomas. “Biography”in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Pages 80 – 82
Notes: Was a private in Captain Fenton’s Troop of the 2nd Dragoons at Waterloo where he was wounded multiple times by French lancers.
O’Neil, Charles. The Military Adventures of Charles O’Neil Staplehurst: Spellmount 1997. 269 pages.
Notes: Enlisted soldier served in the 28th Regiment in the Peninsula from 1811 – 1814 Waterloo.
Page, James. “Journal” Glover, Gareth (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume III: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2011. Pages 22 – 24.
Notes: Was troop sergeant major in the 1st King’s Dragoon Guards..
Patton, Thomas. “Petition of Sergeant Thomas Patton to the Duke of Wellington, dated 17 July 1846” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume I: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2010. Pages 176 – 177.
Notes: was a private in Captain Charles Cadell’s Company 1st Battalion 28th Foot at Waterloo.
Pearson, Andrew. The Soldier Who Walked Away: The Autobiography of Andrew Pearson a Peninsular War Veteran. Arthur H. Haley (ed.) Liverpool: Bullfinch Publications circa 1991. 130 pages.
Notes: 61st Regiment at Egypt Maida Gibraltar Peninsula 1809-1812.
Playford, Thomas, A Lifeguardsman at Waterloo. Godmanchester: Ken Trotman 2006. 90 pages.
Notes: was a private joined 2nd Lifeguards in 1810.
Playford, Thomas. “Waterloo Memoirs” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume IV: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2012. Pages 34 – 48.
Pritchard, William. “Letter to Mary dated 12 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VI: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2014. Page 148
Notes: was a private in the 3rd Battalion 3rd Foot Guards at Waterloo.
Reed, Adam. Seven Years on the Peninsula. The memoirs of Private Adam Reed, 47th (Lancashire) Foot 1806-17. Godmanchester: Ken Trotman 2012. 100 pages.
Notes: was originally in the Corps of Royal Artillery Drivers but deserted and enlisted in the 2nd Battalion 47th Foot.
Roberts, Richard. Incidents in the Life of an Old Fusilier: the Recollections of Sergeant Richard Roberts of the 23rd Foot. Jonathan Crook (ed.). Godmanchester: Ken Trotman, n.d. 18 pages.
Notes: 1805-1814 originally in 2nd Battalion, then 1st Battalion. Served at Copenhagen, Martinique, and the Peninsula (1810-1814). Good description of Badajoz.
Robertson, David [Incorrectly shown as Duncan]. “How the British Stormed Aray del Molinos” in Spanish Adventures. Gibbs, Peter and David Watkins (Editors).Bridgnorth: First Empire 1995. Pages 31-34.
Robertson, David [Incorrectly shown as Duncan] “Sgt. Robertson’s Memoirs of the Corunna Campaign” in Spanish Adventures. Gibbs, Peter and David Watkins (Editors).Bridgnorth: First Empire 1995. Pages 3-12.
Robertson, David [Incorrectly shown as Duncan]. “Corunna — The Story of a Terrible Retreat From the Forgotten Journal of Sergeant D. Robertson” in With Napoleon at Waterloo and Other Unpublished Documents of the Waterloo and Peninsular Campaigns. Mac Kenzie and Mac Bride (ed.). London: Francis Griffiths, 1911. Pages 69-85.
Robertson, David [Incorrectly shown as Duncan]. “How the British Stormed Aray del Molinos. From the Journal of Sergeant D. Robertson” in With Napoleon at Waterloo and Other Unpublished Documents of the Waterloo and Peninsular Campaigns. Mac Kenzie and Mac Bride (ed.). London: Francis Griffiths, 1911. Pages 115-119.
Robertson, Duncan [Actually David]. “What the Gordons did at Waterloo. From the Journal of Sergeant Robertson” in With Napoleon at Waterloo and Other Unpublished Documents of the Waterloo and Peninsular Campaigns. Mac Kenzie and Mac Bride (ed.). London: Francis Griffiths, 1911. Pages 150-166.
Notes: In 92nd Foot
Robertson David The Journal of Sergeant David Robertson 92nd Highlanders, in Egypt, Denmark, the Peninsula and Belgium 1795-1818 Edited by Gareth Glover. Ken Trotman 2018 207 pages.
Shipp, John. Memoirs of the Extraordinary Military Career of John Shipp, Late a Lieut: In His Majesty’s 87th Regiment. Forgotten Books, 2012. 406 pages.
Notes: enlisted as a boy in 1797 in the 22nd Foot was sergeant in Grenadier Company in India by 1804 commissioned for bravery in the 65th Foot in 1805 transferred to 76th Foot in 1805 returned to England in 1808 and sold his commissioned enlisted in 24th Light Dragoons and was regimental sergeant major by 1812 was commissioned in 87th Foot in 1815.
Sinclair, Joseph. A Soldier of the Seventy-First: The Journal of a Soldier of the Highland Light Infantry 1806 – 1815 Hibbert, Christopher (ed.). Warren: Squadron/Signal Publications 1976. 121 pages.
Notes: Served in Buena Aires, Walcheren, Peninsula, and Waterloo.
Smith, John. “Letter to His Brother, dated 14 July 1815” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume III: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2011. Pages 112 – 114
Notes: was a private in the 10th Company (Captain G.H. Gordon) 1st Battalion 71st Foot.
Stanley, Charles. “Letter to His Cousin Christopher Alvey, dated 15 May 1815” Glover, Gareth (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume III: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2011. Pages 24 – 26
Notes: was a private in the King’s Troop 1st King’s Dragoon Guards and was killed at Waterloo.
Stansfield, George. “Letters #9 and 12 to the family of Henry Willis dated 3 September 1813” in Willis, Henry. The Letters of Private Henry Willis: 1st Regiment of Life Guards, 1807 – 14. Gareth Glover (ed.). Huntingdon: Ken Trotman, 2017. Pages 29 – 32 and 34 – 35
Notes: was a friend of Henry Willis. The letters cover Willis’ death and disposition of personal possessions. Letter #12 is mislabeled.
Stevenson, John. A Soldier in Time of War, or the Military Life of Sergeant John Stevenson. London, 1841.
Notes: Oman lists this as Twenty-one Years in the British Foot Guards was a sergeant in Captain Henry Rooke’s Company 2nd Battalion 3rd Foot Guards at Waterloo.
Stubbins, John. “Letter to His Father” Glover, Gareth (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume III: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2011. Page 24
Notes: was a corporal in the 1st King’s Dragoon Guards and promoted to sergeant on the field of Waterloo.
Sutcliffe, Thomas. “Letters #10 and 12 to the family of Henry Willis dated 3 September 1813” in Willis, Henry. The Letters of Private Henry Willis: 1st Regiment of Life Guards, 1807 – 14. Gareth Glover (ed.). Huntingdon: Ken Trotman, 2017. Pages 31 – 32 and 34 – 35
Notes: Letter concerns the disposition of Private Henry Willis’, 1st Life Guards,’ personal possessions.
Surtees, William. Twenty-five Years in the Rifle Brigade London: Greenhill 1996. 480 pages. ISBN: 1-85367-230-0
Notes: Enlisted in 56th Regiment and served in Holland in 1799 transferred to 95th Rifles in 1805 was in the 2nd Battalion served at Germany 1805, Copenhagen 1806, Peninsula 1808 – 1814 New Orleans was Quartermaster by end of war.
Swan, Henry. “Account of Private Henry Swan” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume IV: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2012. Pages 141 – 142
Notes: was a private in Captain William Miller’s Company of the 3rd Battalion, 1st Foot Guards.
Taylor, Alexander. “Letter to his Brother, dated 9 March 1817” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume IV: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2012. Pages 228 – 230
Notes: was a private in the Royal Staff Corps.
Tennant, William. “Letters to His Wife” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume III: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2011. Pages 89 – 108
Notes: was a sergeant in Lieutenant Colonel Henry D’Oyly’s Company, 3rd Battalion 1st Foot Guards.
Vallence, Dixon. At Waterloo with the Cameron Highlanders. Darlington, Napoleonic Archive n.d. 44 pages.
Notes: Vallence was in Captain James Campbell’s 6th Company 1st Battalion and was severely wounded at Waterloo. Superb descriptions on what it was like to be a private at Quatre Bras and Waterloo includes memorable sketches of camplife (especially using a French cuiraiss as a frying pan after Quatre Bras), to stand under intense artillery fire, and to be in the front rank (kneeling) of a square being charged by cavalry.
Wheeler, William. The Letters of Private Wheeler. Hart, B. H. Liddell (ed.).Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1952. 350 pages.
Notes: was in 51st Foot was at Walcheren, Peninsula 1811 – 1814 was a sergeant in Captain James Cambell’s Company at Waterloo.
Willcox, Joseph. “Letter to His Brother William dated 23 January 1817” in Gareth Glover (ed.). The Waterloo Archive Volume VII: British Sources. Barnsley: Frontline, 2019. Pages 221 – 222
Notes: was a private in the 81st Regiment which was part of the Brussels Garrison and did not fight at Waterloo.
Willis, Henry. The Letters of Private Henry Willis: 1st Regiment of Life Guards, 1807 – 14. Gareth Glover (ed.). Huntingdon: Ken Trotman, 2017. 40 pages.
Notes: Letters #7, 8, and 9 cover his time in the Peninsula. He fell from his horse on 29 June 1813 and shattered his leg. He died of a fever, possibly gangrene.
Wood, Charles. Some particulars of the Battle at Waterloo in a Letter from a Serjeant in the Guards. London: British Library, 2011. 32 pages.
Notes: was in Captain William Miller’s Company 3rd Battalion 1st Foot Guards.
Wray, Samuel. The Military Adventures of Private Samuel Wray 61st Foot 1796-1815. Gareth Glover (ed.). Godmanchester: Ken Trotman, 2009. 32 pages.
Notes: Cape Coloney, Egypt, Maida, Peninsula 1809 – 1814 was not at Waterloo.
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This remarkable memoir was first published in Edinburgh in 1819 and has withstood the test of time. One cannot improve on Sir Charles Oman&rsquos description of the book as: &lsquothe work of a man of superior education, who had enlisted in a moment of pique and humiliation to avoid facing at home the consequences of his own conceit and folly. The author wrote from the ranks, yet was so different in education and mental equipment from his comrades that he does not take their vices and habits for granted&rsquo.
Waterloo, Brussels, and developments in humanitarian nursing as context for the emergence of the ‘lady nurse’.
Arriving in Brussels in the late evening of 18 June 1815, Richard Henegan reflected on the response of Belgian people to the news that the Allies under Wellington had defeated Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo. He observed wryly of public rejoicing ‘Had victory been on the side of the French, it is probable that the demonstrations of joy evinced by the populace … would have been equally vehement and more sincere’. Even so he admitted ‘greater enthusiasm could not have been displayed … Nor in the annals of war were the inhabitants of Brussels ever surpassed in the humanity and tenderness they exhibited towards the distressed wounded of all nations’. 1
The inhabitants of Brussels were not the first in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars to nurse people to whom they were not related, and without recompense. The outbreak of war in 1793 saw householders across the European continent accommodate, feed and care for strangers who fell at their door or were billeted upon them. 2 Numerous memoirs of English military men recall the attention given by landlords and landladies to the wounded in Belgium, Holland, Portugal, Spain and even France. 3 What was novel about the days after the battles of Quatre Bras on 16 June and Waterloo on 18 June was the concentration of medical and nursing effort within a relatively small geographical compass, the vast numbers of men wounded, and the pervasive eagerness of civilians to offer help.
This article is not attempting to claim that the wounded of Waterloo received sufficient attention to their wants: commentators confirm that it took five days to clear the battlefield, and that lives were certainly lost as a result. 4 The wounded lay unattended, or were the further victims of ‘cruel handling’ as plunderers stripped the dead and wounded alike of their clothes and other belongings Prussian patrols (but allegedly not British) shot both their own men and French soldiers who were deemed so badly injured as to be irrecoverable. 5 I will argue, though, that once in Brussels (or to a less marked extent Antwerp) the wounded were treated with as much care and effectual humanitarianism as was possible, by townspeople rapidly swamped by injured soldiers.
Testimony can be gleaned from the multiple memoirs of the events of June 1815, or from letters and diaries written concurrently with or shortly after the battle. Many such works have been published since 1815, if not in an entirely continuous stream. There have been pulses of interest in the Napoleonic wars not least since the late 1990s, when previously-manuscript sources have been edited for the first time, or early books have been reissued with a modern introduction and scholarly referencing. Gareth Glover and Andrew Bamford have been responsible for locating, enhancing and publishing or reissuing an entire bibliography of texts. The list of works used for the analysis here have been selected for their attention to human as well as military matters multiple publications describe the Battle of Waterloo and its aftermath without touching on the medical or nursing care of the wounded.
Twenty-two works containing suitable narratives, published in the two hundred years between 1816 and 2017, are used extensively here. Eighteen are by men, as soldiers, staff, or medical personnel, one by a male non-military traveller, and three are by female non-combatant observers. This subset of published work has been drawn from an extensive survey of all of the Napoleonic war memoirs listed by Robert Burnham. 6 My intention here is to examine small sections of numerous accounts to contribute to the historiography of nursing, in distinct contrast to their typical use by military historians to study aspects of fighting. 7
Over half of the authors were contributing to a literary phenomenon, the evolution of war writing into the published war memoir genre. Conflicts prior to the wars of 1793-1815 generated relatively few or truncated first-person accounts by combatants, whereas a profusion of publications from the start of the first war with France up to the mid-1830s signalled the popularity of the format. 8 Clusters of narratives have been used to examine both the literary and historical potential of the field. 9 A key feature of the memoir for my purposes is the lapse of time between historical events and the act of writing. Time gives the author the space and opportunity to tell and retell the story to themselves and others, to check facts, rewrite and forget, a process which facilitates the introduction of a specific agenda. Memoirs could even be disguised as something else: the modern editor of James Hope’s ‘letters’, for example, raises questions about whether the material was fashioned into letters as a literary device rather than copied from letters literally sent through the post. The memoir-as-travelogue was already well established among men who travelled to fight, and strove to write, among foreign scenes. 10 At the simplest level, the writer’s agenda will have differed between those who wrote life-long autobiographies and others recalling only phases of life (such as military service). Participation in or proximity to one of the most notable battles of the century is likely to have influenced writers in others ways, too, as they strove to position themselves in relation to historic events. 11 This context does not inevitably mean that they were writing fiction, but that they were shaping memory for specific stated, tacit or unconscious ends.
That said, these works are marked by a varied literary heritage. 12 Sergeant William Clarke’s account was neglected for two hundred years in the belief that it was the text of a novel, rather than a memoir, explaining why its issue was delayed until the twenty-first century. 13 Letters and diaries make up the remainder of the narratives used here. In contrast to memoirs, these are ‘diurnal’ writings with an immediacy that is less susceptible to the expression of subsequent agendas by the original writers. 14 They are eminently open to shaping, however, particularly by non-authorial editors who can cut, interpolate, gloss and otherwise control the release of the material for publishers and/or ideological ends. 15 At the same time, the determination to keep diaries or write letters by people under stress can be seen retrospectively as acts of defiance in the face of authority or (during wartime) the threat of sudden death. 16 These competing motivations among authors and editors can make interpretation complicated. Most usefully for the purposes of this article, though, letters and diaries illustrate the emergence of the ‘mundane’ account of wartime experience, as it is only the writer who notes daily, repetitious occurrences that notices the minutiae of care. 17
The majority of writing which gives notice to nursing activity comes from rank-and-file soldiers, NCOs and junior officers. This remains the case for the wider literature of the Napoleonic war era, in that accounts of the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain fit the same pattern. 18 The more senior the author in the army’s hierarchy, the less likely they were to give sustained attention to the minutiae of care, whether on the battlefield or elsewhere. Some memoirists even refer to prolonged stays in hospital without giving any detail of their experience of treatment or recuperation. 19 Nonetheless among those who did describe nursing work, there is a remarkable coalescence between writers and across genres about the features of this work as carried out in Brussels. One or two writers might not be thought authoritative on their own: an array of writers, publishing at different times for different audiences represents a form of unforced consensus.
Historical writing about the pre-Nightingale nurse is chronologically patchy, and struggles to avoid the implication that the women employed were inadequate in some way. Brian Abel-Smith thought it ‘certainly unfair to condemn all the untrained nurses. There had been good nurses as well as bad before the Nightingale revolution’, but also thought that the activity required of them was ‘little more than a specialised form of charring’. 20 Reassessments of Nightingale’s own role continue to find her predecessors generally deficient, and even Carol Helmstadter’s Nursing Before Nightingale focusses on explaining the low status of nurses in London hospitals from the 1820s to the 1840s, rather than challenging the basis for contemporary judgementalism. 21 Anne Borsay and Jacques Carré have started to suggest alternative readings of nurse competence. 22
Analyses are bedevilled by difficulties of terminology (when was a nurse a sick nurse, rather than a children’s nurse?) and by a sparsity of evidence. Margaret Pelling questions Alice Clark’s assumption for the seventeenth century, that ‘Nursing which was not religiously inspired, not middle-class, not institutional, and yet pursued outside of the household for money, had to be a low-grade occupation, and could only be carried out by poor women’: the majority of her discussion, though, is devoted to the difficulties of defining sick-nursing, and to other negative stereotypes of women who nursed in this period (for example during the London plagues). 23 Histories of women’s work have tried to contextualise nursing alongside other options for ordinary women with limited results, for nursing if not for finding women in the economy. 24 The records of parish poor relief provide of evidence about the employment of poor women in caring roles including laying out the dead or monthly nursing, as well as nurse-keeping for the sick, and more may yet be done with these resources. 25 The period 1750 saw three models of parish nursing in operation, whereby women were employed as a consistent component of routine relief for the nurses, as an intermittent but high-cost investment for selected paupers, or as a rare or diminishing feature of relief for the non-nursing poor. 26 Under the first two regimes, women might obtain repeat employment by the same parish, or multiple engagements across parish boundaries. 27
Barely anything has been written about military nursing during the wars 1793-1815 or earlier except as an aside in the history of camp-following, where women are generally depicted as of doubtful virtue, or as likely to strip the dead for spoils as to tear up rags for dressing wounds. Histories of nursing during wartime have been drawn to the development of official services rather than their pre-history, doubtless owing to the survival of coherent archives for discrete organisations. 29
Similarly little consideration has been given to women in the middling ranks or above as nurses for their family members and others, not even as a theoretical feature of separate spheres ideology, despite the widespread understanding that the wives and daughters of propertied men routinely visited and dispensed charity to their poorer neighbours and tenants. Separate spheres has been used as an explanatory factor in the rapid acceptance of the Lady Nurse, but not as a strategy for the reappraisal of her unreformed predecessor. 30 Histories of professional nursing from Lucy Seymer onwards place their origins within the continental Deaconess movement, and there are strong arguments to support the apprehension of the Kaiserswerth Institute as a starting point for professional nursing reform. 31 Nonetheless there is further reason to consider the societal context which informed the reception of the women who were inspired by the Deaconesses. I will argue below that the swift success of the lady nurse of the mid-nineteenth century owed something to the European wars fought up to 1815. The capacity of women for nursing care was increasingly appreciated over the first half of the century, not least because literary precedents were laid before the British public in the form of war memoirs and particularly accounts of the aftermath of Waterloo.
Brussels and the response to the wounded
The care shown by civilians towards the wounded of Waterloo manifested itself in transport, accommodation, provisioning, medical supplies and emotion work. Transport was laid on by people who still had horses, and carts or carriages for them to pull ‘every attainable or siezeable vehicle [was] unremittingly in motion’. 32 Waggons entered the city slowly, driven by those conscious of the pain of their passengers, and then ‘thundered the contrary way’ to collect more. 33 Families with both coaches and horses drove to the battlefield ‘taking cooling drinks to administer and bandages for wounds, returning to the city with two or three soldiers who were taken to their houses to be nursed’. 34
Official ‘hospital’ style accommodation in hastily-requisitioned churches and other large structures ran out immediately. Inhabitants therefore took both officers and rank-and-file soldiers into their own homes ‘the people opened their houses, which literally became hospitals’. 35 ‘There was hardly a door without a number, showing how many were lodged within’. 36 ‘In the greater number there were not fewer than four , six, or eight’. 37 A family in the Place de Louvain were said to have ‘received and tended no less than fifty wounded Englishmen’. 38 Elizabeth Ord, an English woman in Brussels, wrote her own account in addition to the more famous one by her stepfather Thomas Creevey. 39 She described how ‘we had five badly wounded Prussian common soldiers billeted upon us at 12 o’clock that night [18 June] and as we have no outbuildings we were obliged to lay them on the floor of our dining room, it was so late we could get no straw for them or could do anything but feed them. Poor fellows, their groans were miserable & we could not understand one another’s language.’ 40
The recipients of this attention were aware of the generous spirit in which house-room was offered. Friedrich Lindau, a rifleman in the King’s German Legion who had suffered a bullet wound to the back of the head, recalled ‘I was treated in a very friendly way by my hosts’ even though he remembered being in a lot of pain at the time. 41 Eventually even household accommodation was exhausted, and hundreds of men were laid in the streets on straw, whether under canvas or in the open, on every spare patch of ground. 42 In this situation, any space which became available in houses was given first to the British or Prussians French wounded were taken to hospitals or ‘those houses, whose owners may have shown a lukewarmness in the present contest’. 43
Provisioning comprised food, water and alcohol or ‘cordials’, clothing and bedding, supplied in person or at a distance: ‘Madame d’Henin sent her servants and money, and cordials to all the French that came within her reach Madame de la Tour du Pin was munificent in the same attentions and Madame de Maurville never passed by an opportunity of doing good’. 44 From one home ‘nourishment is distributed with a bountiful hand’. 45 It was as though people were competing to administer assistance, ‘particularly when they recognised men whom they knew, who had been quartered upon them the year before, or recently’. 46 The pre-battle soldiers ‘growing from lodgers to be acquaintances, from acquaintances companions, and from companions friends’, inspired compassion for the post-battle wounded where the need for food was only one of the wants supplied. 47
The efforts of the Bruxellois were imitated if not entirely matched by the inhabitants of Antwerp. Wilhelm Schutte was a surgeon working at Merxem, just outside the city, who noted with a combination of surprise and approval ‘The Antwerp people take great care of our wounded every day they send wine, shirts, bandages, fruits, foodstuffs, in general anything that one could ask for…thanks to the beneficence of the Antwerpers, everyone of the wounded has a straw mattress, two bed sheets and two blankets’. He went on to identify the Van Hauer family as particularly philanthropic, since ‘all we need do is give them a list of our needs, and the next day the things are in our hands’. 48
The loss of so much blood required vast quantities of lint and bandages to make dressings. 49 Novelist Fanny Burney was on the continent to be near her husband General Alexander D’Arblay, who was serving with the King’s Guard (ie Louis XVIII, King of France) but did not fight at Quatre Bras or Waterloo. Burney remembered ‘we were all at work more or less in making lint’ and protested:
Thousands, I believe, I may say without exaggeration, were employed voluntarily at this time in Brussels in dressing wounds and attending the sick beds of the wounded. Humanity could be carried no further for not alone the Belgians and English were thus nursed and assisted, nor yet the Allies, but the prisoners also, and this notwithstanding the greatest apprehensions being prevalent that the sufferers, from their multitude, would bring pestilence into the heart of the city. 50
The privacy of the care on offer was such that some men rejoined their regiments after their recovery to learn that they had been assumed dead. 51
This lay care was somewhat at odds with the exhaustion, marked by either cavalier, horrified or numb responses, among medical men. It was with evident bravado that Isaac James, hospital assistant, wrote on 29 June ‘we have had lots of legs and arms to lop off’ but his was a lonely example of such gusto. 52 More typical was Haddy James, a surgeon treating the wounded in a house at the rear of the battle, who felt ‘it was all too horrible to commit to paper’: he was invoking the ‘inexpressibility motif’. 53 Hospital assistant John Davy reflected in retrospect, in July 1815, ‘I trust that most of those who attended them [the wounded] became indifferent to life and in my own case at least, little regard for self remained’. 54 Non-medical combatant Lieutenant William Hay summed up the difference between fighting and its aftermath as witnessed at a convent-turned-hospital: ‘Seeing suffering on the field of battle, where all are alike exposed and actively engaged, is nothing compared with this, which made me feel quite sick’. 55
Most notable, though, was the gender and social standing of the people offering practical and comfort work reported by multiple observers. Fanny Burney pointed out the broad social spectrum of those involved: ‘M. de Beaufort, being far the richest of my friends at this place, was not spared he had officers and others quartered upon him without mercy’. 56 Lieutenant James Hope recalled ‘Many of the most respectable ladies in Brussels stood all day at the gate by which the wounded entered, and to each soldier, as they arrived, distributed wine, tea, coffee, soup, bread, and cordials of various kinds’. 57 John Davy reported seeing ‘people at their doors…taking the tenderest care of them [the wounded]. The most delicately brought up women, and persons of all ranks were occupied in this way’. 58 The houses of the ‘best’ families were open, and the ladies busy ‘attending and dressing their wounds and nursing them like their own children’. 59 Ladies also left their homes to deliver succour: ‘much to their honour ladies of the highest rank were not ashamed to traverse from hospital to hospital in the dead hour of night and employ their persons and property in this work of humanity’. 60 Richard Henegan, an army commissary, claimed that ladies ‘took upon themselves to assist the surgeons in their painful duties’. 61
Some authors moved from general praise to specific examples. Hope was quartered in a house with a mother and two adult daughters, the latter of whom took it in turns to visit the city’s hospitals with cordials at eight in the morning and again twelve hours later. A family on Rue de l’Empereur made over two ground-floor rooms for the use of the wounded. One contained mattresses for the immobile, ‘and the other is a kind of laboratory, cooking, and dressing shop where all those who are able to walk about, have their wounds dressed by the young ladies’. 62 Women’s activities were even credited with compensating for a paucity of surgical attendance, at the risk of personal injury. Edward Costello (a serjeant wounded in the arm) thought that ‘the humane and indefatigable exertions of the fair ladies of Brussels, however, greatly made up for this deficiency’ by bandaging, feeding and reclothing injured soldiers without regard to social nicety: ‘indeed, altogether careless of fashionable scruples, many of the fairest and wealthiest of the ladies of that city now ventured to assert their pre-eminence’. 63 A young female member ‘of one of the first families in Brussels’ dressed the wound of a sergeant-major despite having a cut on her finger, and ‘her life very nearly paid the forfeit of her humanity’. 64
Rifleman Lieutenant George Simmons was quartered on the ‘very respectable’ Mr Overman, a German merchant and banker, in May 1815, and returned to the Overman house on the Rue de l’Etoile after Waterloo apparently with a fatal wound he had been shot through the liver and was told he could not survive. 65 It is not clear whether Simmons was nursed by a daughter or a servant of the house, but whoever the young woman was she won sentimental gratitude from Simmons. He wrote just a month later ‘My dear little nurse has never been ten minutes from me since I came to the house…For ten nights together she never went to bed, but laid her head on my pillow’. 66 The ladies of the house supported him definitively and apparently physically in September, when he was sufficiently recovered to go out with them for a walk ‘which amused the people that passed’. 67 Years later, in an additional memoir written for the benefit of his son, Simmons claimed that before Waterloo, Overman had instructed him to return to the house if wounded ‘& my wife & daughter will be proud to nurse you’. Here he confirmed that ‘one or other of the family never left me, night or day, until I was out of danger’ suggesting that the ‘dear little nurse’ had in fact been one of Overman’s daughters Julia, Harriett or Eulalie. 68 Simmons provides a rare instance of a writer with a double voice, who both experiences and remembers their experience. 69
Among the memoirists, if not always the letter and journal-writers, there was clearly some retrospective idealisation of the women who offered assistance, in both the short and the long term: ‘the softest hands in each house smoothed the couch of the agonised warrior’ wrote literary editor John Scott sentimentally, as early as 1816. 70 William Pitt Lennox who was a young cornet at the time of the battle later rhapsodised ‘Beautiful as woman is in all the charities of life, never does she appear so pre-eminently beautiful as in the chamber of sickness or death’ but forbore to reveal the identity of any of the Brussels ‘ministering angels’ for fear of their blushes. 71 It is important to position Lennox’s comments in particular in the wider chronology of the nineteenth century, given that his memoir was first published in 1864, the only narrative that was released during the high period of nursing reform 1855-1885: he may have been writing in the knowledge of Nightingale’s reputation and her recommendations for nurse activity, thereby allowing his later understanding of nursing to infiltrate his memory of earlier lady nurses. It is also germane to recall that Lennox was a son of the fourth Duke of Richmond, who enjoyed something of a dilettante literary career.
The broader view of activity in Brussels somewhat qualifies the picture of ‘humane and indefatigable exertions’ to admit that generosity was not entirely unstinting. 72 The Ord-Creevey household, for example, perceived limits to what the inhabitants could offer its temporary military guests. As soon as their billeted soldiers had been fed, an additional servant was hired to wash the men and make them comfortable until both men and mattresses could be removed to space in a church. 73 Author Charlotte Waldie confessed that she purposefully did not act the nurse, when she might readily have done so. She excused herself on the grounds that she did not think it safe for ‘ladies’ to bind wounds, and thereby planted a seed in the imaginations of her very many British readers: tacitly, lady nurses would have been even more prevalent if they had been competent, or in other words trained. 74
But the consistency of accounts across different genres of personal writing confirms that, rosy retrospectives aside, the attention paid to the wounded was largely indiscriminate, delivered by ordinary women and ladies alike, and carried with it elements of what would come to be seen, 50 years later, as a Nightingale-style ideal of nursing, as expressed in her Notes on Nursing – what it is and what it is not. 75 For example: a young woman of approximately eighteen was allegedly observed accompanied by a servant dispensing hot and cold refreshments. ‘She moved along with an eye of lightening, glancing about for those whom she thought most in need of her assistance’. On encountering a Highlander with an injured thigh ‘she knelt at his side, and gently moving aside his blood-stained kilt, commenced washing the wounded part the Scotchman seemed uneasy at her importunity. But with the sweetest voice imaginable, she addressed him in English with ‘Me no ashamed of you – indeed I will not hurt you! And the wounded man, ere he could recover his rough serenity, found his wound bandaged, and at ease, under the operations of this fair attendant’. 76 The unnamed woman combined the keen observational skill, lack of fuss or embarrassment, and clear soothing voice, recommended by Nightingale a generation or two later, but without the author writing in full knowledge of the nursing reform movement. 77 These events were witnessed by Edward Costello, whose memoirs were first published in 1841.
Why did this near-ubiquity of nursing activity among the inhabitants of Belgium in the vicinity of the battle develop in June 1815? There was no mention in the accounts of the women being inspired by any role models, such as nursing nuns or Deaconesses, although it probably had some origins in the customary largesse of wealthy women towards the poor. I have suggested that some of the answer lies in the sheer number of wounded and the relatively short distance between the battlefield and the amenities of Brussels. Additional factors include the localised collapse of social barriers: Waldie describes such uncertainty and trepidation in Brussels until the decisive announcement of the Allies’ victory that all ranks spoke to each other regardless of former social divisions in order to obtain news. Furthermore, 18 June was a day of horror for inhabitants of Brussels according to Hope, so their gratitude that their ‘defenceless’ city had been spared, and not overrun by the French army, was made concrete. Combine these high-stakes emotions with a recent history of relatively light or comparatively amiable experience of housing billeted soldiers in the months preceding Waterloo, and the humane Belgian reaction to what was in front of their eyes becomes more readily comprehensible. Basil Jackson ascribed this to Christian charity (among the Catholic Belgians), and as a tribute to the character of the soldiers who had earned the good opinions of city folk before Napoleon’s 100 days. 78 Doubtless Elaine Scarry would add that the function of soldiers’ suffering – to confer reality and authority on state conflict – had the auxiliary effect of drawing in Belgian observers as spontaneous participants in the memorialisation of the battle. 79 The scale of injury precluded a recourse to mass stoicism, so often the alleged choice of the individual soldier, so the next best response to such widespread distress, loss, grief and bewilderment was generous sympathy: tending to specific wounds contributed to the healing of the body politic. 80
One Lady Nurse, and the literary influence
The most detailed account of nursing by a lady was written by the woman herself, a British rather than Belgian participant. Genteel Scottish woman Magdalene Hall married Colonel William De Lancey in April 1815 and accompanied him to Belgium soon afterwards. During the Battle of Waterloo William was struck in the back by a cannonball, and Magdalene was told first that he was alive, next that he was dead, and eventually that he was badly wounded. She travelled to the village of Waterloo, arriving on 20 June, whereafter William survived for a further six days. 81
On meeting her injured husband ‘He asked me if I was a good nurse. I told him that I had not been much tried’. 82 Magdalene quickly lost hope of her husband’s recovery, but found consolation in tending to his wants. She made his bed, which was too short for him, as comfortable as possible by attention to bedding, and sat up with him at nights. Her nursing proficiency, and determination to fill the role, came as something of a surprise to the surgeons attending William De Lancey. A Mr Powell who visited continually was evidently disconcerted: ‘He had some difficulty to consider me as a useful person. At first he used to ask me to tell the servant to come but he learnt to employ me very soon’. 83 In response to her husband’s requests or the doctors’ recommendations she fumigated the room where he lay, fomented his limbs, and applied leeches. She became so adept at the latter that Powell (exhausted by medical duty) thanked her for anticipating him and asked her to apply them in future: ‘He said I was as good at it as any hospital nurse could be’. 84 In saying this Powell was not being sarcastic, or bracketing the colonel’s wife with the stereotypical unreformed nurse. Instead he was consoling a woman soon to be a widow, and at the same time giving posterity a hint that perhaps some hospital nurses were much practised at (and valued for) routine tasks like fixing leeches.
The most poignant aspect of Magdalene De Lancey’s account derives from the intimacy of the comfort work she was able to undertake for her husband. When she first sat down next to him and took his hand, she recalled ‘This was my occupation for six days’ but this was merely one aspect of the support she offered. She tried to remain quiet and composed (if not falsely optimistic), suppressing her own distress and hiding her tears. She brushed his hair, and he stroked her face. On the last evening of William’s life, he asked her to lie in the narrow bed with him ‘to shorten the weary long night’. 85 She was reluctant for fear of hurting him, but eventually lay down on the narrow bed to both of their satisfaction ‘He was delighted and it shortened the night indeed for we both fell asleep’. 86 In this way Magdalene De Lancey provided something close to the ideal care for an upper-middle class man: he was her terminally-wounded husband, and she was his exemplary wife requiring neither encouragement nor any form of repayment to undertake any and all nursing work. In the terms of her memoir, the couple enabled each other’s emotional self-sufficiency, under the most extreme circumstances. Her account cannot be accused, though, of giving additional gloss to recollections of the ladies in Brussels, because her writing remained in manuscript only until the 1880s.
Other literary accounts had the potential for much greater influence. The humanitarian response to the wounded of Waterloo was referenced throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. This was achieved at first in piecemeal form, with the sporadic publication of military memoirs or documents, and of eye-witness accounts, rather than retrospective histories. The Battle of Waterloo, containing the accounts published by authority, British and Foreign, and other relative documents, with circumstantial details, previous and after the battle ran to at least seven editions in 1815 alone. 87 The already popular genre of Peninsular-war memoirs, which began publication well before that conflict was over and combined the appeal of a personal account with a travelogue, was quickly joined by the stories of individual participants or observers of Waterloo. The quantity of material was such that, by 1830, the Monthly Review ‘suggested that the British reading public must be in possession of everything there could be to know’ about the wars after 1808. 88 The quality of wartime memoirs improved too, particularly from the mid-1820s, when some volumes took on novelistic qualities. 89
Two of the most significant publications in terms of the Waterloo literature, and emphatic in their capacity for memorialisation, were those written by women. Charlotte Eaton née Waldie first published a description of her days in Brussels in 1817, and the volume was reissued in the early 1850s. The account is written in elegiac mode, where all participants were blessed with retrospective glory: ‘every private soldier acted like a hero’. 90 She was therefore inclined to idealise the whole affair, but this does not make her claims about Belgian generosity any less significant. She made four explicit references to the ‘humane’ response to the wounded or the ‘humanity’ of attention to them and thereby coached readers to expect or recognise certain forms of selfless generosity from those who did not fight. 91 Another literary heroine’s perspective was revealed when Fanny Burney’s diaries were released in successive volumes from 1841 onwards, with the diaries dealing with 1815 published in 1846. Burney dwelled on the same events as Waldie at less length, but with more personal investment in the scenes around her.
Therefore when W.M. Thackeray published his novel Vanity Fair in 1847-8, depicting incidents in the final conflict with Napoleon, the literary landscape was already well populated with contextual material 92 . Furthermore, as Catriona Kennedy has pointed out, in the novel ‘the entire campaign is filtered through the experiences of the women left behind in Brussels’. 93 The actions of Amelia Osborne and Mrs O’Dowd in caring for Tom Stubble at their hotel in Brussels consolidated the images of genteel (or if not genteel, then prosperous) women tending the wounded. The two woman ‘watched incessantly by the wounded lad’ who had received a spear in the leg at Quatre Bras on 16 June, and in doing so proved their bravery when ‘the cannon of Waterloo began to roar’. 94 Amelia’s brother Jos Sedley leaves the city to a commentary of sarcasm from Mrs O’Dowd, and Mrs Becky Crawley makes a calculated decision to stay for her own potential advancement but the two self-appointed nurses (both staunch for their combatant husbands, as well as attending the hapless Stubble) are selflessly immovable. Thackeray reminded his readers ‘All of us have read of what occurred’ at Waterloo, ‘never tired of hearing and recounting the history of that famous action’. 95 The battle was additionally replete with famous consequences, including the response in Brussels. Vanity Fair drew together the existing narratives of Waterloo and assembled them in fictional form, and in doing so underscored both the emblematic significance of the battle for a generation and the scope for women as nurses at all social levels.
The streets and homes of Brussels in June 1815 witnessed a mass of humanitarian activity, before the word was widely used in the modern sense. 96 An array of letter-writers and memoirists offer a consistent picture, albeit with different details, of widespread and generous treatment for soldiers of all nations. Social distances narrowed, but did not close altogether, as prosperous men and women worked alongside their poorer neighbours to offer assistance and alleviation to the wounded. Thus far, this history offers a vignette in the ongoing development of a humanitarian ethos in nursing. The question remains, does it also offer an important milestone in the acceptance of ladies as employed nurses? The female population of Brussels was not remunerated for offering care, and probably suffered material loss by feeding, housing and tending to the wounded and dying. Their actions were directed by charitable precedent, immediate necessity, and perhaps by spiritual injunction, but in the process they contributed a practical demonstration of care for the injured as a form of calling. Arguably, the events in Brussels, and other parts of Belgium in 1815, laid down not direct foundations for but sowed seeds of the possibility of lady nursing in the national psyche through the cannon of literature it generated.
A Soldier of the Seventy-first, From De la Plata to Waterloo 1806-1815, Joseph Sinclair - History
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SUCCESSION OF COLONELS
Appointed 19th December 1777.
Lord John Macleod was the eldest son of the Earl of Cromartie, and, with his father, was engaged in the attempt made in 1745 by Prince Charles Edward, the young pretender, to recover the throne of his ancestors. After the battle of Culloden, in 1746, the Earl of Cromartie was brought to trial, and pleaded guilty but his life was spared on consideration of the remorse expressed by him for having been seduced in an unguarded moment from that loyalty which he had always, previously to the breaking out of the rebellion, evinced to the existing establishment, both in Church and State. Lord Macleod also received the royal mercy on account of his youth, and his regard for his parent, which had been the cause of his being concerned in the rebellion. The young lord also promised, that, should the royal clemency be extended to him, that his future life and fortune should be entirely devoted to His Majesty’s service, which promise was amply fulfilled in after years. Lord Macleod subsequently entered into the Swedish army, where he served for several years with great reputation, and was made a Commandant of the Order of the Sword in the kingdom of Sweden. While the American war of independence was being carried on, his Lordship returned to Great Britain, and in December 1777 received authority to raise a regiment  of Highlanders, which was, on its formation, numbered the seventy-third, and subsequently the Seventy-first regiment, under the circumstances detailed in the Historical Record. His Lordship was appointed colonel of the newly raised regiment, to which a second battalion was added in September 1778, and embarked with the first battalion for India in January 1779, arriving at Madras in January 1780. The war with Hyder Ali, the powerful Sultan of the Mysore territory, commenced in that year, and his Lordship served under Major-General Sir Hector Munro in the first instance, and afterwards under Lieut.-General Sir Eyre Coote. On the 1st of June 1781, Colonel Lord Macleod was promoted to the local rank of major-general in the East Indies, in which year he returned to England, some misunderstanding having arisen between his Lordship and Major-General Stuart concerning priority of rank. His Lordship was promoted to the rank of major-general on the 20th of November 1782. On the forfeited estates being restored, in 1784, Major-General Lord Macleod obtained the family estate of Cromartie. His decease occurred on the 2d of April 1789, at Edinburgh.
The Honorable William Gordon,
The Honorable William Gordon was appointed captain in the Sixteenth Light Dragoons, when that corps was raised in the year 1759. In October 1762, he was appointed Lieut.-Colonel of the 105th regiment, and in 1777, he was promoted to the colonelcy of the eighty-first regiment, which was afterwards disbanded. In 1781 he was promoted to the rank of major-general, and in April 1789 was nominated colonel of the Seventy-first Highlanders. He was advanced to the rank of lieut.-general in 1793, to that of general in 1798, and was removed to the Twenty-first Royal North British Fusiliers in 1803. He died in 1816.
Sir John Francis Cradock, G.C.B. and K.C.,
Appointed 6th August 1803.
This officer entered the army on the 15th of December 1777, as a cornet in the fourth regiment of horse, now the seventh dragoon guards and on the 9th of July 1779, he exchanged to an ensigncy in the Coldstream guards, in which he was promoted to a lieutenancy, with the rank of captain, on the 12th of December 1781. On the 25th of June 1785, he was advanced to the rank of major of the twelfth dragoons, and on the 16th of September 1786, exchanged into the thirteenth foot, of which regiment he was appointed lieut.-colonel on the 16th of June 1789. Lieut.-Colonel Cradock commanded the thirteenth regiment in the West Indies, and on his return, in 1792, was appointed quartermaster-general in Ireland, where he was specially employed by Government in many of the disturbed counties. He went a second time to the West Indies, in the command of the second battalion of grenadiers, under the orders of General Sir Charles (afterwards Earl) Grey, and was present at the reduction of Martinique (where he was wounded), St. Lucia, Guadaloupe, and at the siege of Fort Bourbon. Before the reduction of the second battalion of grenadiers in the West Indies he was appointed by Sir Charles Grey to be his aide-de-camp, and on his return to England he received the thanks of Parliament for his services.
On the 26th of February 1795, Lieut.-Colonel Cradock received the brevet rank of colonel, and on the 16th of April following was appointed colonel of the one hundred and twenty-seventh regiment, which was disbanded in 1798, when he was placed on half pay.
On the 1st of January 1798, Colonel Cradock was advanced to the rank of major-general, and served as quartermaster-general in Ireland during the rebellion of that year was under the command of Lieut.-General Gerard (afterwards Viscount) Lake at the affair with the rebels at Vinegar Hill, and in the subsequent movements in the county of Wexford. Major-General Cradock accompanied Earl Cornwallis as quartermaster-general in his lordship’s march against the French forces that landed in Killala  under General Humbert, and was severely wounded in the action at Ballynahinch, when the French and rebel force were defeated, and laid down their arms.
Major-General Cradock was afterwards appointed to the staff of the Mediterranean, under General Sir Ralph Abercromby, and proceeded on the expedition to Egypt, and was in the actions of the 8th, 13th, and 21st of March 1801. In that of the 13th, near Alexandria, he commanded the brigades which formed the advance against the enemy, and received the thanks of Sir Ralph Abercromby. He was second in command of the division of the army that proceeded to Cairo under the command of Lieut.-General Hutchinson (afterwards the Earl of Donoughmore), and was at the action of Rhamanie on the 9th of May 1801, and at the surrender of Cairo and Alexandria. The surrender of the latter place on the 2d of September following, terminated the campaign, after which he was appointed to the command of a force of 4,000 men, to proceed to Corfu but the preliminaries of peace being signed on the 1st of October between Great Britain and France, put an end to the expedition, and he returned to England, when he was again honored with the thanks of Parliament. The Grand Seignior had also established the order of knighthood of the Crescent, of which the general officers who served in Egypt were made members.
On the 8th of May 1801, Major-General Cradock had been appointed colonel commandant of the fifty-fourth regiment, and upon the reduction of the army, in 1802, he was placed on half-pay. On the 6th of August 1803, he was appointed colonel of the Seventy-first regiment.
On the 1st of January 1805, Major-General Sir John Cradock, K.B., was advanced to the rank of lieut.-general, and appointed to the command of the forces at Madras. Upon the departure from India of General Lord Lake, in 1806, Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock remained for nearly a year in the command of the forces in that country. In 1808 he was appointed to command the forces in Portugal, during the critical period preceding the arrival of Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley, and was afterwards appointed Governor of Gibraltar, which in a short time he resigned. On the 6th of January 1809, he was removed from the  Seventy-first to the colonelcy of the forty-third regiment. In 1811 he was appointed governor of the Cape of Good Hope, and commander of the forces on that station, which he held until 1814, on the 4th of June of which year he was promoted to the rank of general.
General Sir John Cradock was nominated a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath on the 2d of January 1815, and in 1819 was created a peer of Ireland, by the title of Baron Howden. At the coronation of His Majesty King William IV. he was advanced to the dignity of a Peer of the United Kingdom. By royal licence he afterwards altered his name to Caradoc, deeming that to be the ancient and veritable orthography. The decease of General the Right Honorable John Francis Caradoc, Baron Howden of Howden and Grimstone in the county of York, and of Cradockstown, county of Kildare, occurred on the 26th of July 1839, at the advanced age of eighty years.
Appointed 7th January 1809.
The first commission of this officer was an ensigncy in the first foot guards, dated 4th of April 1775, and in May 1777 he joined the army in North America, was present at the battle of Brandywine on the 11th of September of that year, and in that of Germantown on the 4th of October following, also at the siege of ten forts on the river Delaware, and after their reduction in December the detachment of guards employed on that service rejoined the army, and went into winter quarters at Philadelphia. On the 23d of January 1778 he received a lieutenancy, with the rank of captain, in the first foot guards. Captain Dundas served the campaign of that year, and was present in the action of Monmouth Court-House on the 28th of June 1778, fought during the march of the British army from Philadelphia to New York, in which the second battalion of the first foot guards was principally engaged. Having soon after been appointed to the light company of that corps, he was employed on various detached services in 1778 and 1779, in the course of which the company to which he belonged sustained considerable losses.
The corps of guards being detached into South Carolina, joined the army under Lieut.-General the Earl Cornwallis, in 1780, and the light company forming his lordship’s advanced guard, it was almost every day engaged. Captain Dundas commanded it at the battle of Guildford and at York Town.
Captain Dundas was promoted to a company in the first foot guards, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, on the 11th of April 1783, and on the 6th of June following exchanged into the forty-fifth regiment, from which he was transferred to the first foot on the 31st of March 1787. With the first battalion of the latter regiment Lieut.-Colonel Dundas embarked for Jamaica in January 1790, and returned to England in July 1791. In October 1793 he was appointed aide-de-camp to King George III., and received the brevet rank of colonel.
Colonel Dundas was employed in that rank in the West Indies as adjutant-general to the army under General Sir Charles (afterwards Earl) Grey, and was present at the siege of Martinique and the other adjacent islands in 1794. Upon his return to England, being appointed on the 9th of October 1794, colonel of the Scots brigade, afterwards numbered the ninety-fourth regiment, he joined it in Scotland, and raised a new battalion.
Major-General Dundas, to which rank he was advanced on the 26th of February 1795, was employed on the staff in North Britain until ordered to join the army preparing for foreign service under Lieut.-General Sir Ralph Abercromby, at Southampton. Having returned to Portsmouth with the expedition, he was soon afterwards appointed to the command at the Cape of Good Hope, and in August 1796 he embarked for that colony. Being appointed lieut.-governor, with the command of the troops under the governor, he continued to hold that appointment until Lord Macartney returned to England in November 1798, leaving him to act as civil governor. Upon the arrival of Lord Macartney’s successor, in December 1799, Major-General Dundas resumed his former situation but that officer being recalled in 1801, the civil with the military authority again devolved on Major-General Dundas, and he held both until the Cape was restored to the Dutch by the  treaty of peace concluded in 1803. Upon his return to England in June 1803, Lieut.-General Dundas, to which rank he had been promoted on the 29th of April of the previous year, was placed on the staff in the southern district of Great Britain, under General Sir David Dundas, K.B. Towards the end of 1805 Lieut.-General Dundas was appointed to the command of a division ordered to join the army assembling in Hanover under Lieut.-General Lord Cathcart, and on his return, in 1806, he was again appointed to the staff in the southern district. On the 7th of January 1809, Lieut.-General Dundas was appointed by His Majesty to be colonel of the Seventy-first regiment, and on the 1st of January 1812 was advanced to the rank of general. He had been appointed governor of Carrickfergus in Ireland in 1787, and was transferred in January 1817 to the governorship of Dumbarton Castle in Scotland.
The decease of General Dundas occurred at Edinburgh on the 16th of January 1824.
Appointed 16th January 1824.
Removed to the forty-ninth regiment on the 21st of September 1829, and to the eighth foot on the 24th of April 1846.
Appointed 21st September 1829.
Removed to the thirty-first regiment on the 28th of March 1838, and to the forty-fifth regiment on the 12th of July 1847.
Sir Samuel Ford Whittingham,
Appointed 28th March 1838.
This officer was appointed ensign in the sixty-sixth regiment on the 20th of January 1803, lieutenant in the ninth foot on the 25th of February, and was removed to the first life guards on the 10th of March of the same year. On the 14th of February 1805 he was promoted to the rank of captain in the twenty-eighth regiment, and was removed to the thirteenth light dragoons on the 13th of June following, and  in 1809 was appointed deputy assistant quartermaster-general in the army in the Peninsula under Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley. In March 1810, Captain Whittingham was promoted to the rank of major, serving with the Portuguese army. He was subsequently employed in America but the chief scene of his services was with the army in Spain, for which he was peculiarly qualified by his perfect knowledge of the Spanish language. He was first permitted to join that service as aide-de-camp to General Castanos, and in that capacity shared in the battle and victory of Baylen. Major Whittingham afterwards served under the Duke of Albuquerque, and was severely wounded at Talavera. Soon afterwards he obtained the command of the Spanish cavalry, and was present at the battle of Barrosa, fought on the 5th of March 1811. On the 30th of May following he was promoted lieut.-colonel in the Portuguese army. He was next intrusted to raise and command a large corps of Spanish troops clothed and paid by the British Government. In 1812, as major-general in command of this well-disciplined corps, he was, in junction with the British army at Alicant, successfully opposed to Marshal Suchet, and was again wounded at the battle of Castalla after which he served with distinction in command of a division of infantry under Lieut.-General Sir John Murray, and subsequently under Lieut.-General Lord William Bentinck on the eastern coast of Spain.
At the restoration of peace in 1814, Lieut.-Colonel Whittingham returned to England, his conduct in Spain being reported in very flattering terms by the British ambassador in Spain and by the Duke of Wellington. On the 4th of June 1814, he was appointed aide-de-camp to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, with the rank of colonel in the army and was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath, with the honor of knighthood, on the 4th of June 1815.
Upon the return of Napoleon from Elba in March 1815, Colonel Sir Samuel Ford Whittingham returned to the Peninsula, at the particular request of the King of Spain, and on his arrival at Madrid, he was invested with the Grand Cross of the Order of San Fernando. In the year 1819 he was appointed governor of Dominica, and in 1822 his services were transferred to India as quartermaster-general  of the king’s troops he subsequently held the command as major-general, to which rank he was promoted on the 27th of May 1825, successively in the Cawnpoor and Meerut divisions.
Major-General Sir Samuel Ford Whittingham served at the siege of Bhurtpore, which was captured in January 1826 and received the thanks of Parliament for his conduct on that occasion. He was also nominated a Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath on the 26th of December following.
Having returned from India in 1835, Major-General Sir Samuel Ford Whittingham was appointed to the command of the forces in the Windward and Leeward Islands in 1836. On the 28th of March 1838, he was appointed colonel of the Seventy-first Regiment, and on the 28th of June following was advanced to the rank of lieut.-general. He was permitted to resign the Windward and Leeward command in 1839, in order to undertake the command-in-chief at Madras, receiving at the same time from General Lord Hill, then commanding-in-chief, a flattering testimonial of his services while in the West Indies.
Lieut.-General Sir Samuel Ford Whittingham arrived at Madras on the 1st of August 1840, where he continued until the 19th of January 1841, the date of his decease.
Sir Thomas Reynell, Bart., K.C.B.
Appointed 15th March 1841.
This distinguished officer commenced his military career as an ensign in the thirty-eighth regiment, his commission being dated the 30th of September 1793. He joined the regiment in January 1794 at Belfast, and in April proceeded with it to Flanders, where it formed part of the army commanded by His Royal Highness the Duke of York. On arrival at the seat of war, the thirty-eighth regiment was ordered to join the corps under the Austrian General Count Clèrfait, who commanded the troops in West Flanders, and it was attached to the division under Major-General Hammerstein, together with the eighth light dragoons and twelfth foot. Ensign Reynell was present in the action on the heights of Lincelles on the 18th of May, and at the battle of Hoglade on the 13th of June 1794. He afterwards served with the  army under the Duke of York, and was in Nimeguen when that town was besieged. On the 3d of December following, when cantoned between the rivers Rhine and the Waal, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant in the thirty-eighth regiment. Lieutenant Reynell served during the winter campaign of 1795, and retreat through Westphalia to the Weser, and there embarked for England. He accompanied the thirty-eighth regiment to the West Indies in May 1796, and was present at the capture of the island of Trinidad in the early part of 1797. On the 22d of July 1797 he was promoted to a company in the second West India regiment, and joined that corps at Grenada.
Captain Reynell quitted Grenada early in 1798, in consequence of being appointed assistant adjutant-general at St. Domingo, where he remained until that island was evacuated by the British in September, when he returned to England. In the beginning of 1799 he revisited St. Domingo, as one of the suite of Brigadier-General the Honorable Thomas Maitland, then employed in framing a commercial treaty with the negro chief Toussaint L’Ouverture, who had risen to the supreme authority at St. Domingo. When it was concluded, Captain Reynell returned to England in July of the same year.
On the 8th of August 1799 Captain Reynell was transferred to a company in the fortieth regiment, with the first battalion of which he embarked for the Helder in that month, and joined the army, which was at first commanded by Lieut.-General Sir Ralph Abercromby, and afterwards by the Duke of York. Captain Reynell was present in the action of the 10th of September also in the battle of the 19th of September, when he was the only captain of the first battalion of the fortieth regiment that was not killed or wounded he was also present in the subsequent battles of the 2d and 6th of October. Captain Reynell, upon the British army being withdrawn from Holland, re-embarked with the first battalion of the fortieth regiment, and arrived in England in November 1799.
In April 1800 Captain Reynell embarked with his regiment for the Mediterranean, and went in the first instance to Minorca, afterwards to Leghorn returned to Minorca, and proceeded with a large force under Lieut.-General Sir  Ralph Abercromby for the attack of Cadiz. Signals for disembarking were made but although the boats had actually put off from the ships, a recall was ordered, in consequence of the plague raging at Cadiz. After this he proceeded up the Mediterranean again, and in November landed at Malta.
The flank companies of the fortieth regiment having been allowed to volunteer their services in the expedition to Egypt, Captain Reynell proceeded thither in command of the light company (one of the four flank companies detached under Colonel Brent Spencer), and was present in the action at the landing on the 8th of March 1801. On this occasion the flank companies of the fortieth were on the right of the line, and were particularly noticed for the gallant style in which they mounted the sand-hills immediately where they landed. Captain Reynell was present in the battle of the 13th of March, and commanded the right out-piquet of the army, in the morning of the 21st of that month, when the French attacked the British near Alexandria, on which occasion General Sir Ralph Abercromby was mortally wounded. Soon after Captain Reynell proceeded with a small British corps and some Turkish battalions to Rosetta, of which easy possession was taken. He was present in an action at Rhamanie, and followed the French to Grand Cairo, where that part of their army capitulated and returned as escort in charge of the French troops to Rosetta and after they had embarked he joined the force under Major-General Sir Eyre Coote before Alexandria. The surrender of Alexandria, on the 2d of September 1801, terminated the campaign, for his services in which he received the gold medal conferred by the Grand Seignior on the several officers employed.
Captain Reynell was afterwards appointed aide-de-camp to Major-General Cradock, who was ordered to proceed from Egypt with a force of four thousand men to Corfu but while at sea counter-orders were received, and he proceeded to Malta, and subsequently to England. In July 1804 he embarked as aide-de-camp to Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock, K.B., who had been appointed to the command of the troops at Madras, and while on the passage, namely, the 3d of August 1804, he was promoted to the rank of major in the fortieth regiment.
On the 10th of March 1805 Major Reynell received the brevet rank of lieut.-colonel, upon being appointed deputy quartermaster-general to the King’s troops in the East Indies. In July following he was appointed aide-de-camp to the Marquis Cornwallis, governor-general of India, and accompanied his lordship from Madras to Bengal, with whom he remained until his lordship’s decease, at Ghazepore, in October 1805. Lieut.-Colonel Reynell returned to Madras immediately afterwards, and was appointed military secretary to the Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock, the commander-in-chief at that presidency. He officiated during several months of the year 1806 as deputy adjutant-general in India, in which country he remained until October 1807, when he returned with Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock to Europe, and arrived in England in April 1808.
Lieut.-Colonel Reynell resigned the appointment of deputy quartermaster-general in India, and was brought on full pay as major of the ninety-sixth regiment on the 5th May 1808, and on the 22d of September following was appointed major in the Seventy-first regiment.
In October 1808, Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Reynell embarked as military secretary to Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock, who had been appointed to command the forces in Portugal, and landed in November at Lisbon. He remained in Portugal until April 1809, when Sir John Cradock was superseded in the command of the forces in Portugal by Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley. Lieut.-Colonel Reynell afterwards accompanied Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock to Cadiz, Seville, and Gibraltar, of which latter place Sir John Cradock was appointed governor, and Lieut.-Colonel Reynell remained there as military secretary until September, when he returned to England.
Lieut.-Colonel Reynell joined the Seventy-first regiment at Brabourne-Lees Barracks in December 1809, immediately after its return from Walcheren. In September 1810 he embarked at Deal with six companies of the Seventy-first regiment for Portugal, landed at Lisbon towards the end of that month, marched soon after to Mafra, and thence to Sobral, where the six companies joined the army under Lieut.-General Viscount Wellington. In October Lieut.-Colonel Reynell had the honor of being particularly  mentioned by Viscount Wellington in his despatch, containing an account of the repulse of the attack of the French at Sobral on the 14th of that month. The British army shortly afterwards retired to the lines of Torres Vedras, and Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Reynell was appointed assistant adjutant-general to the fourth division under Major-General the Honorable George Lowry Cole.
Early in March 1811, the army of Marshal Massena broke up from its entrenched position at Santarem, and retreated to the northward. Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Reynell entered Santarem with the fourth division the day after Marshal Massena had left it, and continued in the pursuit of the French army to the Mondego. In the affair of Redinha he had a horse killed under him. From Espinhal the fourth division was ordered to retrograde, and recross the Tagus, for the purpose of reinforcing Marshal Sir William Carr Beresford. In 1811 he joined the Marshal at Portalegre, and being the senior British assistant adjutant-general, was directed to join Marshal Beresford’s head-quarters, and proceeded with him to Campo Mayor, from which the enemy retired was also present at the capture of Olivença, and subsequently accompanied the marshal to Zafra, between which place and Llerena a smart skirmish occurred with the enemy’s hussars. In May 1811, Lieut.-Colonel Reynell returned to England from Lisbon with despatches from Viscount Wellington.
In July 1811, Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Reynell embarked as military secretary to Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock, K.B., who had been appointed governor and commander of the forces at the Cape of Good Hope, where he arrived by the end of September. On the 4th of June 1813, he received the brevet rank of colonel and on the 5th of August 1813, he was promoted lieut.-colonel of the Seventy-first regiment, in succession to Lieut.-Colonel the Honorable Henry Cadogan, who was mortally wounded in the battle of Vittoria in February following, being desirous of joining the corps, Colonel Reynell resigned his staff situation at the Cape, and proceeded to England, where he arrived in May 1814. In July of that year he was appointed adjutant-general to the force then preparing for service in America  under Lieut.-General Lord Hill but, other operations being then in view, that appointment was cancelled.
Colonel Reynell took the command of the first battalion of the Seventy-first regiment at Limerick in December 1814, and embarked with it from Cork in January of the following year, as part of an expedition for North America but peace having been concluded with the United States, and contrary winds having prevented the sailing of the vessels, the destination of the battalion was changed. In March Colonel Reynell received orders to proceed with his battalion to the Downs, where, in the middle of April, it was transhipped into small vessels, and sent immediately to Ostend, to join the army forming in Flanders, in consequence of Napoleon Bonaparte having returned from Elba to France.
In the memorable battle of Waterloo, fought on the 18th of June 1815, Colonel Reynell commanded the first battalion of the Seventy-first regiment, and was wounded in the foot on that occasion. He afterwards succeeded to the command of Major-General Adam’s brigade, consisting of the first battalions of the fifty-second and Seventy-first , with six companies of the second, and two companies of the third battalion of the ninety-fifth regiment, in consequence of that officer being wounded. Colonel Reynell commanded the light brigade in the several operations that took place on the route to Paris, and entered that capital at the head of the brigade on the 7th of July 1815, and encamped with it in the Champs Elysées, being the only British troops quartered within the barriers. In this year he was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath, and received the Cross of a Knight of the Austrian Military Order of Maria Theresa, also a Cross of the fourth class of the Russian Military Order of St. George.
Colonel Reynell remained with the “Army of Occupation” in France until October 1818, when, after a grand review of the united British, Danish, and Russian contingents at Valenciennes, the Seventy-first marched to Calais, and embarked for England. Colonel Reynell continued in command of the regiment until the 12th of August 1819, the date of his promotion to the rank of major-general.
In April 1820 Major-General Reynell was suddenly ordered to proceed to Glasgow, having been appointed to the staff of North Britain as a major-general, in which country he remained until March 1821, when, in consequence of the tranquillity of Scotland, the extra general officer was discontinued. Immediately afterwards he was appointed to the staff of the East Indies, and directed to proceed to Bombay, for which presidency he embarked in September following, and where he arrived in March 1822. After remaining there a month, Major-General Reynell was removed to the staff of the Bengal Presidency, by order of the Marquis of Hastings. In August Major-General Reynell proceeded up the Ganges, and took the command of the Meerut division on the 3d of December 1822.
The next operation of importance in which Major-General Reynell was engaged was the siege of Bhurtpore. Early in December 1825 a large force had been assembled for this purpose, to the command of which he had been appointed, when, just as the troops were about to move into the Bhurtpore states, General Lord Combermere, the new commander-in-chief in India, arrived from England, and Major-General Reynell was then appointed to command the first division of infantry. He commanded that division during the siege, and directed the movements of the column of assault at the north-east angle on the 18th of January 1826, when the place was carried, and the citadel surrendered a few hours after. For this service he was appointed a Knight Commander of the Bath, as well as honored with the thanks of both Houses of Parliament.
Major-General Sir Thomas Reynell succeeded to the baronetcy upon the decease of his brother Sir Richard Littleton Reynell in September 1829 and on the 30th of January 1832 was appointed by His Majesty King William IV. to be colonel of the ninety-ninth regiment, from which he was removed to the eighty-seventh Royal Irish fusiliers on the 15th of August 1834. On the 10th of January 1837, he was promoted to the rank of lieut.-general, and on the 14th of June 1839 was appointed a member of the consolidated board of general officers for the inspection and regulation of the clothing of the army. On the 15th of March 1841, he was  appointed by Her Majesty to the colonelcy of the Seventy-first regiment. The decease of Lieut.-General Sir Thomas Reynell, Bart., K.C.B., occurred at Avisford, near Arundel, on the 10th of February 1848.
Appointed 18th February 1848.
This officer entered the army as ensign in the twenty-ninth regiment on the 23d of November 1794, and was promoted lieutenant in the fortieth regiment on the 1st of May 1796. He was advanced to the rank of captain in the eighth West India regiment on the 25th of June 1798, and on the 26th of May 1803 was appointed captain in the royal staff corps, and on the 7th of April 1808 was promoted major in the fifth West India regiment, in which year he joined the staff of the army in the Peninsula, first as assistant adjutant-general, and afterwards as assistant quartermaster-general. Major Arbuthnot was present at the battles of Roleia, Vimiera, and Corunna.
On the 24th of May 1810, he received the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army, and was appointed deputy quartermaster-general at the Cape of Good Hope, where he arrived on the 25th March 1811. Lieut.-Colonel Arbuthnot was appointed aide-de-camp to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent on the 7th of February 1812, and in May 1813 proceeded from the Cape to the Peninsula, and was present at the battles of the Pyrenees, Nivelle, and Orthes. For these services in the Peninsula and south of France he was decorated with a cross and one clasp. On the 24th of March 1814, Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Arbuthnot was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the fifty-seventh regiment, and on the 4th of June following received the brevet rank of colonel in the army. In January 1815 he was nominated a Knight Commander of the Bath, and on the 12th of August 1819 was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the Seventy-first regiment. On the 27th of May 1825 he attained the rank of major-general, and on the 15th of August 1836 was appointed colonel of the ninety-ninth regiment. Sir Thomas Arbuthnot was advanced to the rank of lieutenant-general  on the 28th of June 1838, and was removed to the fifty-second regiment on the 23d of December 1839. In August 1842 he was appointed to the command of the northern and midland districts of Great Britain, which he retained until his decease. On the 7th of December 1844 Lieut.-General Sir Thomas Arbuthnot was removed from the fifty-second to the ninth foot, and on the 18th of February 1848 was appointed colonel of the Seventy-first regiment. Lieut.-General Sir Thomas Arbuthnot, K.C.B., died at Salford, near Manchester, on the 26th of January 1849.
Sir James Macdonell , K.C.B. and K.C.H.
Appointed from the seventy-ninth regiment on the 8th February 1849.
Thomas and Ann Lockyer of Wembury. Lt Edmund Henry Seppings was raised by his grandmother, Ann
On the Lockyer side of the family, Edmund Henry Seppings (1807-1858) had two aunts, seven uncles and 45 cousins. He was raised by his grandmother Ann Lockyer (1777-1820) at Wembury House, Wembury, Devon, and grew up with his cousin William (1808-1886), Major Edmund Lockyer’s first born, and Henry Merewether Lockyer (1808-1835), Thomas Lockyer’s son of the same age, as well as Nicholas, Thomas, and Jane. The youngest of his aunts and uncles were also still living at home.
The Lockyer’s have a long history of leaving their mark on the places they lived. The earliest records show Lokiers at Much Wenlock, Shropshire, then Glastonbury, Somerset, most notably Nicholas Lockyer (1611–1685), eminent divine and independent puritan, chaplain to Oliver Cromwell, preacher at Whitehall, fellow of Eton College, with several published works later an ejected minister and nonconformist. The Lockier family next lived in Honiton, East Devon, in the 1600s, until Nicholas Lockyer (1677-1754) became Vicar of Luppit 1705-1754. He married Anne Euins (1692-1743) on 30 Nov 1706 at Honiton on Otter and of their five offspring, born in Luppit, only one son survived beyond childhood.
Nicholas Lockyer (1711-1762) married Joan Tucker (1714-1779) in 1734 at Plymouth, Devon. They had ten children, the youngest being Thomas Lockyer (1756-1806) who married Ann Grose (1755-1820) on 2 Nov 1777 at Charles the Martyr Church, Plymouth.
Members of the family – Edmund, Thomas, William and Nicholas – appear frequently on Plymouth’s list of mayors from 1803 to 1844. Thomas Lockyer’s (1756-1806) older brother Edmund Lockyer (1750-1836), was an important figure in Plymouth – a conveyancer, solicitor and district magistrate, with an office in George’s Terrace, Plymouth, and in St James Square, London – and to the Lockyer family, as he took care of the family’s legal matters. It was said he made his money ‘handling the disposal of prize ships and cargoes’ (1). He became the Deputy Lieutenant of Devon – the Queen’s representative for formal occasions the director of the Plymouth & Dartmoor Railway a founder of Plymouth Mechanics’ Institute, and in 1833 had Lockyer’s Quay built. He was the first Lockyer to become Mayor of Plymouth and served in this role in 1803-4, 1821-22 and 1824-25.
Edmund Lockyer was ‘one of the most energetic citizens of his day, and one of the greatest promoters of local improvements.’ In order to boost trading after the Napoleonic Wars, he proposed to the Chamber in 1814, ‘the formation of an association to build or purchase vessels to engage in the coal, Baltic, Greenland and colonial trades, for the establishment of a sugar refinery, the conversion of Sutton Pool into a wet dock, and the establishment of East India packets.’ (1a)
Edmund Lockyer married Eleanor Penrose, daughter of Francis Penrose esq, of Durian, in Cornwall, in 1782. Their son, Edmund Lockyer MD (1782-1816), studied botany, chemistry and geology, graduating as a doctor of medicine at Edinburgh in 1805. In London, in 1809, he was admitted as a Licentiate of the College of Physicians and he married Elizabeth Braithwaite at St Alphege, Greenwich, on 10 April. They returned to Plymouth where he ran a successful medical practice in George Street and at the age of 28 became mayor (1810-11). He was also a founder of the Plymouth Library, became a Fellow of the Linnean Society, and vice-president of the Plymouth Philosophical Institution twice, giving lectures on mineralogy and geology. He died of an abscess in the brain on 2 December 1816, aged 34. They had three children, Eleanor-Mary Lockyer (b. 1810), Rosa-Elizabeth Lockyer (b. 1811) and Edmund Leopold Lockyer (b. 1816).
Edmund and Eleanor’s daughter, Eleanor Margaret Penrose Lockyer, christened at St Andrews Church, Plymouth, on 24 January 1784, married Rear Admiral Sir Samuel Pym KCB on 23 May 1802. Samuel was a Plymouth mayor in 1816.
Eleanor was buried at St Andrews Church on 25 April 1807. Edmund died at home in George’s Place, Plymouth, on February 1836 and placed with her in the family vault.
‘This venerable and highly respected gentleman had reached the advanced age of 85 years, and was amongst the oldest inhabitants of Plymouth, a town he had seen double itself in size, and been an active promoter of all those plans that have contributed thereto, as well as increasing it in wealth and national importance. Mr Lockyer had, by persevering industry, raised himself into independence. He practised as Notary Public during the war with much success he had been three times called to fill the Chair of the Chief Magistrate of this borough he was also a Deputy Lord Lieutenant of the County, and a worthy member of the ancient fraternity of Freemasons. His remains were interred in the family vault in Saint Andrew’s Church yesterday (Thursday), when a large number of the gentlemen and principal tradesmen attended the funeral. Scarcely an institution in the town but enjoyed his great liberality he was ever ready, with all the means in his power, to promote its general welfare and the poor will, by his death, suffer a great loss.’ (2)
Royal Hotel, Theatre and Atheneum, Plymouth, by Llewellyn Jewitt, mid 1800s
‘The immediate post Napoleonle War period saw a surge in civic pride and responsibility among the inhabitants of Plymouth, who were ably led by members of prominent local families such as the Woollcombes, the Lockyers … One of the first civic schemes was to erect a ballroom, hotel and théâtre, subscriptions being raised on the popular tontine principle.’ (3) The Lockyer family was a major contributor.
In 1810, Edmund Lockyer MD (1782-1816), as mayor, laid the first stone of the Theatre, the Royal Hotel and Assembly Rooms, on Lockyer Street, named in honour of his father.
In Plymouth there is Lockyer Street, Lockyer Road, Lockyer Close, Lockyer Court, Lockyer Terrace, Lockyer Villas, Lockyer House, Lockyer House Hotel, Lockyer Hotel, Lockyer Tavern, Lockyer Street hospital, and Lockyer’s Quay.
Thomas Lockyer (1780-1854), as mayor, opened the Plymouth Market in 1807. When William Lockyer (1785-1858) was mayor in 1815, thousands came to view Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, a prisoner of war, on board Bellerophon in the Sound. In 1843, the year Nicholas Lockyer (1806-1864) was mayor, Queen Victoria and Albert, Prince Consort, visited Plymouth.
Lockyer Mayors of Plymouth:-
1803-4 Edmund Lockyer (1750-1836) – solicitor
1806-7 Thomas Lockyer (1780-1854) – shipping broker
1810-11 Edmund Lockyer (1782-1816) – doctor
1815-16 William Lockyer (1785-1858) – Comptroller of Customs
1821-22 Edmund Lockyer (1750-1836) – solicitor
1823-24 Nicholas Lockyer (1781-1847) – Capt RN
1824-25 Edmund Lockyer (1750-1836) – solicitor
1830-31 Nicholas Lockyer (1781-1847) – Capt RN
1843-44 Nicholas Lockyer (1806-1864) – solicitor
Lockyers of Plymouth Coat of Arms. The Latin ‘Sedule’ means watchful ‘Secunde’ means happily, or fortunate.
Before the passing of the Municipal Reform Act of 1835, a Freeman of the Borough of Plymouth was ‘a privileged person who performed important functions in the Local Government of the Town. Only a Freeman could trade within the Borough without the payment of tolls and dues and only a Freeman could vote for the Councillors, Aldermen, Mayor and Members of Parliament.’ (4)
From An Alphabetical List of Freemen of the Borough of Plymouth (1817) –
|Edmund Lockyer||George Terrace, Plymouth|
|Thomas Lockyer||Wembury House, near Plymouth|
|Nicholas Lockyer||Captain, Royal Navy|
|Charles Christopher Lockyer||Solicitor|
11 Harcourt Buildings, Temple, London
|Henry Alworth Merewether||Barrister|
51 Chancery Lane, London
In the 1820s, several Lockyers voyaged to New South Wales. In 1823, Capt Henry Frederick Lockyer (1796-1860) and family sailed from London to Port Jackson on the convict ship Henry with the 3rd Regiment (Buffs) and 160 convicts, for service in the British colony. Capt Lockyer and his wife sailed on with his detachment to Hobart on the Mariner. He built a substantial house in Frederick St with stables adjacent to St John’s church. They left when the regiment was transferred to Calcutta in 1827.
Major Edmund Lockyer, his wife Sarah and ten children arrived in Sydney in 1825. The Major led an expedition of the Brisbane River, then in 1926, Darling appointed him to sail from Sydney on the brig Amity, to establish a military garrison and settlement on the west of the continent, named Albany in 1831. There he hoisted the Union Jack, officially bringing the whole of the New Holland continent under the control of the British Crown. The expedition included his son, ensign Edmund Morris Lockyer, who was storekeeper at the settlement. In 1827, the Major sold his commission and retired from the Army, choosing to settle in southern NSW.
In 1840, Edmund Henry Seppings joined the Lockyers in NSW and bought land close to his cousin William. Four more of the Major’s children were born in Australia. The first was Louisa Harris Lockyer at the Parramatta Barracks in 1826. The second was Sir Nicholas Colston Lockyer CBE ISO (1855-1933), known for his work as head of the Department of Trade and Customs.
The story of Edmund Henry and his Lockyer cousins is part of the story of the Age of Sail transitioning into the Age of Settlement. Britain carving out another colony, far from the crown a new nation that with each new arrival and birth meant more lost and taken from an ancient continent and its first people. A history as heartbreaking as it is heroic.
The Ancient Parish Church of Saint Andrew the Apostle, Plymouth
The following list includes Edmund Henry Seppings’ mother, Ann Maria Marshall Lockyer (1782-1851), her nine siblings and their spouses. All of Thomas Lockyer and Ann Grose’s children were christened in St Andrews Church, Plymouth. Ann Maria Marshall Lockyer and Lt John Milligen Seppings were married there. Numerous vaults and tablets commemorate family members including Capt Nicholas Lockyer (1781-1847) William Lockyer (1785-1858), his wife Louise (1791-1845) and brother Charles Christopher Lockyer (1795-1828) were buried there.
Thomas Lockyer, Esq (1780-1854) m Jane Rivers (1783-1859)
Capt Nicholas Lockyer (1781-1847)
Ann Maria Marshall Lockyer (1782-1851) m Lt John Milligen Seppings (1770-1826)
Major Edmund Lockyer (1784-1860) m Dorothea Agatha Young (1790-1816), Sarah Morris (1784-1853) and Elizabeth Colston (1835-1884)
William Lockyer (1785-1858) m Louise Love (1791-1845)
Major Orlando Lockyer (1787-1819) m Anne Flattery (b.1871)
Eliza Maria Lockyer (1791-1837) m Henry Alworth Merewether (1780-1864)
Jane Edwards Lockyer (1793-1854) m Edward Hobson Vitruvius Lawes (1781-1849)
Charles Christopher Lockyer (1795-1828)
Brigadier General Henry Frederick Lockyer (1796-1860) m Ellis Anne Elizabeth Curry (1798-1861)
Wembury Church, South Devon (1931) linocut by Isabel de Bohun Lockyer (1890-1982), the granddaughter of Capt William Nicholas Love Lockyer (1819-1908). Thomas and Ann Lockyer were buried in St Werburgh’s Church, Wembury, as was their first born son, Thomas, and his wife Jane Lockyer.
Thomas Lockyer Esq (1780-1854) married Jane Rivers (1783-1859) at St Petroc, Harford, Devon, on 1 May 1803, when she was 19 years old. Her father, Henry Rivers (1749-1830), squire of Stowford, and his first wife Elizabeth Brutton (1750-1782) had four children. Their son William Brutton Rivers (1778-1806) married Elizabeth Morris, Sarah’s sister, in 1801. The Morris, Rivers and Lockyer family were well known to each other. Henry Rivers ran the Exeter Inn at Modbury and later the London Hotel, a coaching inn at Ivybridge, Harford, in front of the bridge over the river Erme on the main coaching route from Plymouth to London. Henry was married a second time to Elizabeth Byrd (1750-1838), nee Jones, possibly a descendant of a Welsh royal harpist. (5) They had two children – Jane Rivers, her birthdate unknown, was christened on 6 July 1783, and Henry Rivers (1784-1868), the Younger, of Stowford.
In 1796, Henry Rivers purchased Stowford Estate, Harford, including Stowford House, 450 acres, a corn mill and the paper mill which he sold in 1816, declaring bankruptcy. Jane Rivers’ life begins as a mystery. The following story is passed down by Annie Frances Prynne (1844-1927), nee Lockyer.
‘One sunny day a private carriage stopped at the Ivy Bridge Arms and a gentleman got out with a young lady and a sort of nurse. The lady was taken ill and that night a baby was born. The Dr (presumably the ‘gentleman’) interviewed the landlord, a big sum of money (possibly a bag of gold coins) was paid, and he agreed to adopt the baby. Just as he left, he took from the child’s neck a chain with a locket containing a miniature of some man in court robes. It was set in diamonds. The people said the face was one of royalty.’ (5a)
Jane was a very beautiful girl. Thomas and Jane went to London for their honeymoon and she smelled a rose given to her by a small boy selling them in Hyde Park. He was recovering from small pox. She contracted it, became very ill, lost her hair and eyebrows, and her face was left deeply pitted.
Thomas continued his father’s brokerage business after his father died on 9 August 1806, and continued to reside at Wembury house, Wembury. He became a Plymouth Freeman, a Justice of the Peace, a County Magistrate and Deputy-Lieutenant of Devon. On 17 September 1806, he was elected Mayor of Plymouth.
Thomas and Jane had eight children all born at Wembury House. After his mother died in 1820, and the manor house was sold in 1822, the family moved into ‘Lockyer’s Cottage’ which he had acquired in 1804, to which he extended, creating the much larger ‘South Wembury House’ (now Thorn).
Visitors to South Wembury, with its view of the river Yealm, included Cardinal Wiseman, Mr Bastard of landed gentry, and members of the French aristocracy, such as the Duchess of Orleans, widow of the eldest son of king Louis Philippe I, who rented Kitley House, near Yealmpton, from Mr Bastard. The story goes that when the exiled king and his wife stayed at Kitley, just up the river Yealm from South Wembury House, he would meet with Thomas so they could converse in French. (Read more about Thomas’s adventures in France during the French Revolution here.)
Two of Thomas and Jane’s sons were disowned and disinherited by their father – Thomas (1805-1875) and Edmund Beatty Lockyer (1813-1891). None of the three daughters – Jane, Caroline and Helena – married the latter two died of cancer. Their third son, Henry Merewether Lockyer (1808-1835), was in the Royal Navy and died, aged 27, in a shipwreck off Jamaica. Thomas had a butler ‘old Robert’ who had served the family from the age of 13 as a page, until 85 years old when he died in Annie F Lockyer’s arms.
Thomas Lockyer had a mistress and five children in Plymouth who were christened Lockyer and used the name after his death, which led to Lockyer becoming a common name amongst trades people. Thomas and Jane Lockyer were buried in St Werburgh’s Church, Wembury, as were his parents, Thomas and Ann, inside the church, north aisle.
Major Edmund Lockyer (1784-1860), had 14 children to three wives. Dorothea Agatha Young, nee De Ly (1790-1816), had previously been married to Capt John Young. She married Edmund in 1806 in Galle, Ceylon. They had one child, Lt William Edmund Lockyer (1808-1886), who was born in India and raised at Wembury House, England.
In 1808, Edmund Lockyer and Sarah Morris (1784-1853) began a de facto relationship which lasted until Dorothea died in 1816 and one month later they were married at Trincomalee, Ceylon.
Sarah’s father, John Morris, owned a coaching inn at Ivybridge, on the Ermington side of the road. He was first recorded as paying land tax for Ermington in 1783. Sarah and her sisters, Elizabeth (b. 1782) and Ann (b. 1786), were baptised at the parish church in Ermington Sarah and Elizabeth were baptised on 16 August 1784. John Morris moved to Plymouth to own the Kings Arms Coaching Inn at Bretonside. There he remarried to Ann and had twins Richard and Ann (b. 1793) and John (b. 1794). Elizabeth Rivers (nee Morris) ran the London Inn on her own after William died at 27 years in 1806, leaving her with Elizabeth (b. 1802), William (1804-1853) and Henry (1806-1816).
Edmund and Sarah had eleven children, born wherever the British Army sent the Major and his family, including England, Amsterdam Island in the Indian Ocean, Ceylon, Bengal, Channel Islands, Ireland and New South Wales. Five of the children were given middle names relating to the place of their birth. One died at sea.
Major Edmund Lockyer, retired, married again after Sarah died, to Elizabeth (Eliza) Colston (1835-1884), the only daughter of James Forsaith Colston, Esq, of Edinburgh, at St James Church, King St, Sydney, NSW, in 1854. They had one son and two daughters.
Two of the Major’s sons – Lt William Edmund Lockyer (1808-1886) and Lt Edmund Morris Lockyer (1809-1872) – were in the British Army his fourth son, Frederick McDonald Lockyer (1822-1904), was Clerk in Charge of Papers, Legislative Assembly, and his youngest son Sir Nicholas Colston Lockyer, C.B.E., I.S.O. (1855-1933), was knighted for his work in the Commonwealth Public Service as Australian Chief Commissioner of Taxation and Collector of Customs, and Comptroller-general of Customs. Edmund and Sarah’s daughters married into notable families.
William Lockyer (1785-1858) married Louisa Love (1791-1845) at Tamerton Foliot.
They had one child, a son born at Newton Ferrers and baptised there in 1819, Capt William Nicholas Love Lockyer (1818-1904).
His great-niece Mrs Annie Prynne (nee Lockyer) described her great uncle William as ‘short with bristly white hair and a red face.’ He was a collector of antique china and artworks. Annie was very proud of him and fascinated by the colourful art. ‘He gave me coral ornaments and old china … I used to love his china room. He was a very dear old man… He lived in a house in Plymouth with two maids, one Loveday was an attached old servant who I believe had an annuity when he died.’
It is not known why William did not speak to his son or why he left everything in his Will to his nephews Nicholas Lockyer (1806-1864) and James Lawes Lockyer (1819-1885).
Major Orlando Lockyer (1787-1819) married Anne Flattery (b.1871) in Banagher, Kings County, Ireland, in 1809, and they had two children, Thomas Arthur Lockyer (1811-1896) and Charlotte Lockyer (born after 1813).
Eliza Maria Lockyer (1791-1837), also known as Mary, married Henry Alworth Merewether (1780-1864) of the Inner Temple, London, Attorney General and Town Clerk of London, of Southhampton St, Bloomsbury, in 1809 at St Werburgh’s Church, Wembury, Devon, by special license. They had ten children, including Henry Alworth Merewether (1812-1877) who served as the recorder of Devizes, a bencher of the Inner Temple and Queen’s Council John Robert Merewether (1818-1841) who drowned while saving 30 people from a shipwreck off the Cape of Good Hope Edward Christopher Merewether (1820-1893) aide-de-camp, colonial secretary and Commissioner for Crown Lands who married Augusta Maria Mitchell (1834-1922) Major General Sir William Lockyer Merewether (1825-1880), an Indian military officer and administrator and Capt Alworth Merewether (1826-1861) of HEICS, 61st Reg 1, Bengal.
Jane Edwards Lockyer (1793-1854), married Edward Hobson Vitruvius Lawes esq (1781-1849) of the Inner Temple, London, barrister-at-law, on 17 Sep 1815 at St George, East Stonehouse, Devon. They had nine children – Edward Lawes (1817-1852), Jane Lawes (1818-1882), Maria Lawes (1819-), Vitruvius Lawes (1821-1890), Thomas Lawes (1822-), Eliza Lawes (1824-), William Lawes (1828-), Henry Lawes (1832-1834) and Charles Lawes (1833-).
Brigadier General Henry Frederick Lockyer (1796-1860) married Ellis Anne Elizabeth Curry (1798-1861) on 5 May 1819 at the British Embassy Chapel and House of HBM’s Ambassador, Paris, France. They had one child, Ellis Ann Sophia Lockyer (1820-1859), who died in Malta aged 39.
Wembury House, Wembury, Devon
Thomas Lockyer, Esq (1780-1854) m Jane South Rivers (1783-1859)
- Jane Lockyer (1804-1874)
- Thomas Lockyer (1805-1875)
- Nicholas Lockyer (1806-1864)
- Henry Merewether Lockyer (1808-1835)
- Edmund Beatty Lockyer (1813-1891)
- Caroline Lockyer (1815-1870)
- Helena Lockyer (1817-1867)
- James Lawes Lockyer (1819-1885)
Jane Lockyer (1804-1874) did not marry, however, from 1844, she raised two nieces and a nephew at South Wembury House – Eliza Jane Lockyer (b. 1840) who was partly paralyzed, Thomas Gerard Lockyer (b. 1842), and Annie Frances Lockyer (1844-1927) – the children of her brother Nicholas Lockyer (1806-1864) and his wife Eliza. Annie was born 11 August and baptised 10 September. She was not expected to live, so a small silver (lead) coffin was made to bury her with her mother, Eliza, who died 5 September following the birth.
Annie lived with Jane until her death in 1874 in Wyndham Square, Plymouth.
On 23 Feb 1876, aged 30, Annie married Dr Edward Michael Prynne, aged 60, a surgeon from Cornwall who practiced in Plymouth. He was a widower with four sons close in age to Annie. He died aged 70, in 1886. They had a son, Major Alan H L Prynne, and a daughter. Annie’s brother and sister did not marry.
Thomas Lockyer (1805-1875) studied at Oxford University and while there he signed a guarantee for a debt for a friend that went wrong. This greatly upset his father, enough to disinherit his son. Thomas joined the Belgian Army for some years, he lived away from England until his father died, and taught French in Liverpool where he died.
Nicholas Lockyer (1806-1864) trained and practiced as a family lawyer in Plymouth where he was Mayor (1843-44). He resided at Princess Square, Plymouth. On 21 Nov 1839, Nicholas married Eliza Sykes Jackson (1808-44), third daughter of the late William Jackson, barrister-at-law, at Kingsbridge in 1839. They had three children, Eliza Jane Lockyer (b. 1840), Thomas Gerard Lockyer (b. 1842), and Annie Frances Lockyer (1844-1927). As the mayor’s wife, Eliza took charge of preparations for a reception for Prince Albert’s visit to Plymouth. She was heavily pregnant with Annie and over did it, resulting in her death in childbirth aged 36 years. The children were raised by their aunt Jane Lockyer (1804-1874).
Henry Merewether Lockyer (1808-1835) was born at Wembury House, the same year as his cousin William Lockyer ((1808-1886), who came from Ceylon, just a few weeks old, to live at Wembury House. Henry joined the Royal Navy and in 1831 held the rank of Mate on the sloop Racehorse at Dominica and at sea in the West Indies.
On 4 June 1835, it was reported in Trewman’s Exeter Flying Post, that Henry Merewether Lockyer, aged 27, Mate of His Majesty’s late schooner Fire Fly, which was wrecked on the Northern Triangles (off Jamaica) in the Bay of Honduras on 27 February, died. ‘This meritorious young officer had been employed during a period of twelve years on foreign service: his death is most grievously lamented by his bereaved relatives and much regretted by all who knew him.’
Edmund Beatty Lockyer (1813-1891) studied medicine at Edinburgh University but never practiced. His life was fraught with disappointment – a long court case over a breach of promise action, imprisonment twice for debt, and disinheritance.
In July 1839, while a student of medicine, Edmund became acquainted with Miss Janet Sinclair Traill Sinclair of Freswick in Scotland. Her father, Dr William Sinclair, had died in 1838 and Janet was in the care of her uncle Sir John Sinclair in Thurso. Edmund visited her while she was staying with her aunt, Miss Maria Sinclair, in lodgings in Edinburgh. Janet was under age. When she returned home, Edmund took up residence in a hotel in Thurso. From 1839 to 1841, he courted her and they both signed and exchanged written declarations to be husband and wife. No cohabitation followed. (6) He had given her an engagement ring which spelt ‘Regard’ in ruby, emerald, garnet, amethyst and diamonds, and an amber necklace, which she returned.
In 1842, Edmund B Lockyer, residing at 101 Princes Street, Edinburgh, raised an action of declarator of marriage in the Court of Sessions against Miss Sinclair whom he claimed he was married to and had a Contract of Marriage with. At trial, Janet testified that she signed the document at the request of Edmund for the purpose of convincing his father to make a settlement. In the process, Edmund assigned to his father the whole of his interest in his mother’s estate. ‘The screw was put on me to make me give up the marriage,’ he said at the Edinburgh Bankruptcy Court 25 years later. His treatment of Miss Sinclair at the trial was denounced by the Judge as ‘impertinent and disgusting.’ (7)
‘It was my misfortune to contract a marriage of which he disapproved. I could not draw back from the marriage, and at the suggestion of the late Town-Clerk of the City of London (his uncle Henry Alworth Merewether (1780-1864)) I followed it up. I was bound by a dreadful oath to do so, and it proved an awful curse to me. My father forsook me, but he said that “the moment you drop this you are the same to me as ever.” I could not break my most dreadful oath, or God Almighty would have struck me dead if I had, and from that moment I have been as exile from my home. This case has completely unhinged me.’ (8)
Edmund B Lockyer, ‘set all his schemes to work in order to persecute the lady he had unsuccessfully claimed as his wife. His stalwart form, his acquiline features, his long and well-greyed black beard, his ‘loud’ style of dress, and his swaggering gait, distinguished him on the streets of Edinburgh as one likely to have “a bee in his bonnet.”’ (9)
In March 1846, Edmund B Lockyer lost the case. Disowned by his father, he lived off money given to him by family members and friends. In 1854, after his father died, his mother paid the debts Edmund had accrued, including to a wine merchant, brewing company, tailor, hairdresser and hotel keeper. He became a public figure again as a great ‘Railway Economist’ and ‘advertised threats of exposure against the Chairman of the North British Railway Company’, and threatened to upset the ‘bank monopoly’ of Scotland. He became a candidate to represent the Northern Burghs and later described himself as a ‘Political Social Expert’. He tried to unseat his opponent, Mr Loch, with bribery and corruption accusations, but then Edmund bribed the postman to intercept six letters addressed to Miss Sinclair, and opened them. They were arrested on 8 September 1868. He stood trial on 1 March 1869, was found guilty and sentenced to jail in Exeter for a year. The postman received 9 months.
Janet Sinclair died in June 1870 in Torquay, unmarried. After her death, Edmund brought a case against the Trustees of her estate in June 1876 which he lost. In the 1871 census he is recorded as widower with property in Scotland and England.
He was staying with the Trotters as a lodger in Thurso for six years before he married the daughter Jane Sinclaire Trotter (b. 1857) on 12 Jun 1877 at 72 Princes Street, Edinburgh, when she was 21 years old. Edmund was 63. They had four children. Jane M A C M Lockyer (b. 1879) and Mary Nazareth Lockyer (1881-1974) were born in Edinburgh, Martha Lockyer (b. 1888) in Leith, and their only son Thomas Edmund Lockyer died in 1881 at 37 London Street, Edinburgh.
Edmund appeared at the Edinburgh Bankruptcy Court in 1879, described as residing at 6 Gladstone Place. He went to prison for debt in Holyrood and Exeter. He died 21 January 1891 while living at Chancelot Terrace, Ferry Road, Edinburgh.
James Lawes Lockyer (1819-1885) trained as a solicitor but never practiced. Later in life he had a stroke which left him paralyzed and his niece Annie Frances Lockyer (1844-1927) nursed him through a long illness until he died. He was the last to live at South Wembury and is buried in the churchyard.
South Wembury House, now Thorn House, Wembury
Major Edmund Lockyer (1784-1860) m Dorothea Agatha Young (1790-1816)
Lt William Edmund Lockyer (1808-1886) was born in India, the only child of Major Edmund Lockyer and Dorothea Agatha De Ly. He was brought to Wembury House, Devon, at barely five weeks old, and christened there. He lived there for the next four years while his father Edmund was home from Ceylon and continued to live there when Edmund and Sarah and their children travelled. The family returned home to Wembury again in 1818 before Edmund served in Ireland. Edmund Henry Seppings was also raised at Wembury House to keep his cousin William company. According to a great great grandson (unknown), William said of his grandmother, Ann Lockyer, ‘she was my best friend.’
William joined the same regiment as his father, the 57th (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot and became a lieutenant on 9 April 1825 on their voyage to the colony of New South Wales. They sailed on HMS Royal Charlotte from London on 12 November 1824 with 34 men of the 57th Regt, composing the guard of 136 male prisoners, and stores for Government. William arrived in Sydney on the 29 April 1825 with a detachment of the 57 th and with his father and step-mother Sarah, and nine siblings.
William’s younger brother Edmund also joined the 57th Regiment and they were both listed as lieutenants on 29 Sep 1930.
Major Edmund Lockyer (1784-1860) m Sarah Morris (1784-1853)
- Lt Edmund Morris Lockyer (1809-1872)
- Ann Morris Lockyer (1810-1833)
- Sarah Ermington Lockyer (1812-1867)
- Helen Kandiana Lockyer (1815-1886)
- Eliza Lockyer (1816-1817)
- Fanny Oceanna Lockyer (1817-1888)
- Emily Catherine Jersey Lockyer (1819-1906)
- Charles Weedon Lockyer (1821-1898)
- Frederick Macdonald Lockyer (1822-1904)
- Hugh Henry Rose Lockyer (1824-1908)
- Louisa Harris Lockyer (1826-1911)
King Georges Sound sketch by Major Edmund Lockyer, 1826, where his son Lt Edmund Morris Lockyer was storekeeper.
Lt Edmund Morris Lockyer (1809-1872) was the first born son of Major Edmund Lockyer and Sarah Morris. Like his older brother William, Edmund joined his father in the 57th Regiment as an ensign and was also an adjutant, a military officer who acts as an administrative assistant to a senior officer. The regiment travelled to New South Wales in a detachment of the 57 th, of 34 men as escorts to 136 male prisoners on HMS Royal Charlotte in 1824-25. Edmund arrived in Sydney on the 29 April 1825 with the detachment and with his father, mother, and nine siblings.
Edmund Morris Lockyer was assigned to his father Major Edmund Lockyer, appointed Commandant on the brig Amity, to establish a penal settlement at King George Sound which he was involved with from 25 December 1826 to 23 February 1827. Although a member of the 57th Regiment of Foot, he was temporarily attached to the 39th as Storekeeper. The original military post comprised of Captain Joseph Wakefield, one sergeant, two corporals and 16 privates of the 39th (Dorsetshire) Regiment Ensign Edmund Morris Lockyer, 57th Regiment on detachment to 39th (Storekeeper) William and Thomas Wood, Royal Veterans Corps (Convict Overseers) a surgeon, a gardener and 23 convicts.
Edmund returned to Sydney on Isabella and there rejoined the 57 th – known as ‘The Die Hards’ – which also served in small guard detachments on convict transports to Moreton Bay, Melville Island and Hobart Town, Van Diemen’s Land.
Edmund became a lieutenant on 29 Sep 1830 before going to Madras, India, in 1831. The 57th Regiment was one of a few British regiments to serve in Australian colonies until all garrison forces were withdrawn in 1870. By 1835, Edmund Morris Lockyer had settled in New South Wales and was granted 1,000 acres at Argyle.
NSW Government Gazette 21 July 1857
On 14 July 1857, Edmund Morris Lockyer, esq, was appointed by the Governor General to be Second Lieutenant in the Native Police for the District of the Lower Darling. (2)
He married Emily O’Reilly in Queensland on 19 Dec 1866. His last occupation was as a Tide-waiter, HM Customs – a customs officer who checked the goods being carried when a ship landed in order to secure payment of customs duty.
‘In 1872 the barque Tyra arrived from the (South Sea) islands with a shipment of ‘boys’. The vessel had very bad weather coming across, and for some reason was taken over by the authorities, none of the cargo being allowed to be removed from the vessel. Mr Lockyer was taking his turn as guard one night, and being lonely his wife accompanied him. They sat in a cabin on deck. He had to go round on a tour of inspection at regular intervals. As he seemed to be much longer than usual on one of these tours, his wife grew anxious and left the cabin to find out the reason. The night was dark and the light indifferently lighted. Hearing a moan she made for the direction of the sound, and in doing so fell down a hatch-way, the cover of which had been left off. It was down this that her husband had fallen, and she fell on him. The result of this accident was that Mr Lockyer received serious internal injuries, from which he died about a week later.’ (11)
Edmund Morris Lockyer died 28 June 1872, aged 62, at his home on Birley Street, Spring Hill, Queensland.
Ann Morris Lockyer (1810-1833), eldest daughter of Major Edmund and Sarah Lockyer, did not depart England for New South Wales on 5 January 1825 with her family, she sailed instead with her fiance, Captain James Brown, on the next convict ship to leave Portsmouth, Norfolk, on 17 April. They arrived in Port Jackson on 18 August 1825. The Guard was a detachment of the 57th regiment under orders of Capt Brown he had been appointed captain in the regiment on 17 January 1822. Ann Morris Lockyer married Capt James Brown on 9 January 1827 at Sydney, and they sailed for Madras with his regiment in 1831, which included her brothers, Lt William Edmund Lockyer and Lt Edmund Morris Lockyer. (12)
Ann wished to escape the heat of Madras and return to New South Wales, so they left on Lady Munro, under the command of Captain Aitkin, leaving Calcutta for Hobart Town, Van Diemen’s land, on 27 June 1833. The trading ship took many passengers on board at Madras, making it very crowded. The 96 passengers and crew consisted of the captain, two officers, 7 ladies, 9 gentlemen, and 11 children. There were also 10 European convicts, 4 European servants, 13 native servants, and 40 Lascars – Indian sailors.
The cargo of sugar was delivered at Port Louis, Isle of France, after which they sailed on, looking forward to meeting up with family members at the end of the journey.
On 11 October, after midnight, the barque struck rocks close to the Island of Amsterdam ‘with such violence that she went down in a moment, stern foremost – pitching some persons who were in the fore part of the ship right out upon the rocks. But few escaped as most of the persons on board were in bed.’ In less than a quarter of an hour the ship went to pieces.
‘The ship staggered about from rock to rock, groaning and labouring, writhing from side to side, like a dying thing in its last agony the sails and rigging were torn to tatters the masts and yards went crashing over board piecemeal, one after another, and fell sea ward. Cries and shrieks of despair were now heard in the cuddy, – and the mother’s cry of “Save my children! oh, save my children! ” pierced me to the very soul. The united roar of the surf, the wind, and the crash of falling masts and spars, drowned every human cry and the hull, at one time heaved high into the air, at another dashed with destructive force upon the rocks, gave one last lurch, and went all to ten thousand shivers.’
An excerpt from J M’Cosh’s recollections. (13)
Amsterdam Island, an active volcanic island, is amongst the most isolated in the world. Located in the southernmost Indian Ocean, bordering the Antarctic Ocean, approximately halfway between South Africa and Australia, it is 3,370km from Perth. After managing to live 14 days upon the island, the 22 survivors were rescued by an American whaler and taken to Hobart Town.
Ann Morris Lockyer, aged 23 years, and her four infant children, Ellis, Martha, Edmund, and Ann, drowned – ‘to the great sorrow of her afflicted parents and relatives – Major Lockyer with his family, in this colony and her disconsolate husband and brothers with their Regiment, at Madras.’ 75 perished, several of them officers of the 39th Regt who were well known in Sydney. (14)
Sarah Ermington Lockyer (1812-1867) was born in Ermington, Devon. She was 12 years old when she arrived in Sydney on the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 with her family. She married Dudley North (1805-1845) of the East India Service, younger brother of Frederick North, MP of Rougham Hall, Norfolk, and Hastings Lodge, Sussex, at the Field of Mars church, Sydney, in 1835. They had five children. Arabella Frances North (1836-1885) and Frederick Edmund North (1838-1842) were born in Parramatta Sarah North (b.1839) and Dudley North (1840-1917) were born in Goulburn, and Helen Margaret North (1842-1912) was born in Deptford, Kent. The family returned to England in October 1842, the year their son Frederick died.
Following the death of her husband from a coach accident a Ipplepen on 25 January 1845, Sarah lived at Garden cottage, Hastings, with three of her children, Sarah aged seven, Dudley aged six, and Helen aged four years. They lived only 200 yards away from their grandmother, Dudley’s mother, Mrs Elizabeth Wilson, and her daughter Miss Arabella North, with whom Arabella Frances North aged ten years was residing, and maintained by her grandmother. Siblings Sarah and Dudley spent many hours there, daily.
Sarah Ermington North and her late husband were nominal members of the Church of England, attending infrequently. On Monday 16 November 1846, when the children stayed the night at their grandmother’s house, Mrs Wilson asked Sarah whether she had conformed to the Roman Faith. For about two months before Dudley’s death, he and Sarah had visited, with the children, a Roman Catholic chapel at Plymouth, and since her husband’s death, she had been received into the Roman Catholic Church. Mrs Wilson said she could not permit the children to be brought up in that religion.
The following day, Sarah sent for the children, but her messenger was told by a servant that they were ‘gone away’. She went to the Vice Chancellor’s Court and her solicitor obtained a writ of habeas corpus commanding Mrs Wilson and Miss Arabella North on the following morning to produce the children. Their conduct in abducting the children was enough to induce the Court to say, that they were ‘no longer proper persons with whom to intrust them.’ His Honour directed that Arabella Frances North be placed under the care of Lady Waldegrave (Mrs. Wilson’s sister) and added, ‘with the most perfect respect to Mrs North, but as he understood she has become a Roman Catholic he could not place the infants with her.’
Sarah’s counsel argued that the Roman Catholic religion was not only a legal religion, but since the passing of the first Toleration Act (1689), it was an established religion, and the Court, should not hold that the religion was a ground for the removal of a guardian.
Dudley had not left any instruction as to the religion in which his children were to be educated, so it was presumed that his wishes were that they should be educated in his own religion. It was seen as the duty of the Court to direct that the children would be brought up as members of, and in the religion of the Church of England. Speaking again of her most respectfully, ‘I cannot avoid being strongly impressed with the opinion that, consistently with the most conscientious, kind, and best motives on her part, the children, if placed with her, may receive an inclination and a disposition towards that religion in which, in my view of the duty of the Court, it should see that they should not be educated. The custody of the infants in the meantime shall be with Mrs Wilson (Mr Wilson consenting), Mr Frederick North, and Miss Arabella North, at Hastings Mrs Dudley North to have access to them daily for two hours, but in the presence of one or more of those parties, and all topics of religion to be avoided at such interviews.’ (15)
All their children died in England. Sarah died in Sydney.
The Kandyan convention 1815 and Town and lake of Kandy 1864
Helen Kandiana Lockyer (1815-1886) was born at Trincomalee, Ceylon, after her father Major Edmund Lockyer fought in the campaign to subdue the old Sinhalese capital, Kandy. Helen (sometimes named Ellen) was given the middle name of Kandiana. She was ten years old when she arrived in Sydney on the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 with her family. She married Captain Robert Jobling (1803-1862), of Newton Hall, Northumberland, on 21 May 1835. He was HCS captain of Duchess of Northumberland, and Superintendent of the Mercantile Marine Office of the port at Newcastle. Following his death in 1862, she married George Henry Stace in 1866.
Eliza Lockyer (1816-1817) was born at Trincomalee, Ceylon. On 16 September 1817, at fourteen months old, at Kedgeree, Bengal, India, whilst at anchor at the mouth of the Hoogly, waiting for the pilot to take them to sea, she went to bed in perfect health. The next morning she was found dead, ‘having no doubt during the night been seized with convulsions.’ (16)
HMS Ajax. Fanny Oceanna Lockyer was born in 1817 aboard Ajax in the Bay of Bengal
Fanny Oceanna Lockyer (1817-1888) was born aboard HMS Ajax in the Bay of Bengal and christened 26 Jan 1820 at the Parish Church of St Helier, St Helier, Isle Of Jersey, Channel Islands. She was seven years old when she arrived in Sydney on the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 with her family.
She married William Montagu Rothery (1809-1899) on 9 May 1834 at Cliefden, Mandurama, in the Central West region of NSW. William named the homestead after the summer residence of Frederick, Prince of Wales, father of George III to whose entourage, family tradition relates, a Rothery ancestor was attached. (17) Fanny and William settled at Cliefden in 1842 where they had 15 children (three died in infancy) and took care of three of his brother’s children. Their children were – Edmund Montagu Rothery (1837-1902), St Gerge F Rothery (1838-1909), Ada Fanny Rothery (1840-1888), Albert Rothery (1841-1924), Laura Rothery (1845-1888), Eliza Emily Rothery (1848-1899), Louisa R Rothery (1849-1929), Caroline Lea Rothery (1851-1899), Helena Augusta Rothery (1853-1921), Francis William Rothery (1854-1929), Adelaide Sophia Rothery (1857-1888), and Henry Alfred Rothery (1862-1938).
William Rothery was the first squatter in Australia who sent wool direct to England. He dealt with Messrs Balme and Co, London wool brokers, for 68 years. When he died, he was the oldest member of the Australian Club.
Elizabeth Castle, Jersey – pencil and watercolour by D A B Gould. Emily Catherine Jersey Lockyer
Emily Catherine Jersey Lockyer (1819-1906) was born at Elizabeth Castle, St Aubins Bay, St Helier, Isle Of Jersey, in the Channel Islands and christened on January 26, 1820 at the Parish Church of St Helier. She was six years old when she arrived in Sydney on the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 with her family. In 1836, aged 15, she married Captain George Potter (1810-1849) of HM 28th Regiment, son of Major Leonard Busteed Potter, at the Church of England in Marsfield, Ryde, NSW. They lived at Cavan Station along the Murrumbidgee River in the Southern Tablelands, south of Yass, NSW. The property was leased by Capt George Potter and his father-in-law Major Edmund Lockyer, from 1836 until 1857. (Cavan is currently owned by Rupert Murdoch.)
Emily and George had eight children – Eleanora Potter (1837-1926), Emily Susannah Potter (1838-1918), Charles Edmund Potter (1839-1925), George Thomas Potter (1841-1931), Frederick Leonard Lockyer Potter (1842-1874), Louisa Catherine Potter* (1845-1926), Nicholas Lockyer Potter (1846-1927), and Alfred Augustus Potter (1849-1921).
After the riding accident death of George on 20 October 1849, Emily, widowed with eight children, and pregnant, married Henry Snodden (1822-1881) on 31 Mar 1851 at St Andrew’s Presbyterian Church in Yass. Henry was a bounty immigrant and farm servant on Cavan Station. They had seven children – Martha Snodden (1851-1927), Alexander Scott Snodden (1853-1916), Maria Harriss Snodden (1854-1934), Robert Sloane Snodden (1856-1926), Joseph Snodden (1859-1861), Mary Jane Snodden (1861-1864), and Emily Isabel Ada Snodden (1869-1845).
In a letter written by George Thomas Potter (1841-1931), he described his stepfather as an ‘illiterate, drunken bully.’ According to descendent and family historian Shirley Finnel, Emily was severely physically abused by Henry Snodden, and her daughter Louisa was deemed unsafe.
In 1860 Emily and Henry moved to the Tumut district, where Emily died at her residence, Newtown, Tumut, in 1906. She was described as ‘of a retiring disposition, and spoke very little on matters concerning herself. Was a devoted and kind mother to the whole of her children.’ (18)
*Louisa Catherine Potter (1845-1926), was christened at ‘Lockyersleigh’ and spent her early years on Cavan Station. Soon after the death of her father (1849), Louisa was sent to live with her godmother, Aunt Louisa McWilliam (nee Lockyer), in Dungog, in the Hunter Valley, where she married George, the eldest son of Arthur and Margaret Brown, in 1871. Louisa and her infant son, Walter, journeyed to New Zealand with George Brown’s parents and siblings in 1873 and settled with them in Tuakau.
Lockyersliegh, near Goulburn, home of Major Edmund Lockyer and family
Charles Weedon Lockyer (1821-1898), born at Weedon Barracks, Northamptonshire, was four years old when he arrived in Sydney in the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 with his family. He was educated in King’s School, Parramatta, and afterwards undertook the management of several stations, mostly properties owned by his father. One of these was Lockyersliegh, near Goulburn. ‘Charles worked for a number of years an officer of HM Customs. On retirement, he volunteered his services in connection with the Maori war, serving three years under Colonel Hamilton. For his services he received a grant from the Crown of 50 acres of land and a silver medal. On returning to Sydney, he took up an appointment in the Stamp Office, under Mr. Hemming, but on account of ill-health he was compelled to resign.’ (19)
His first marriage was to Susanna Wilson (1830-1853) on 13 May 1847. They had three sons. His second marriage was to Eliza Rowe (d. 1901) on 4 Mar 1856 at the Wesleyan Chapel, Surry Hills. They had one son and four daughters. He died at his residence, 21 Womerah Avenue, Darlinghurst, NSW.
Frederick McDonald Lockyer (1822-1904) born in Dublin, Ireland, was Clerk in Charge of Papers, Legislative Assembly, NSW. He was three years old when he arrived in Sydney on the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 with his family. He married Amelia Newcombe, second daughter of George William Newcomb, Esq, of Sydney, on 15 Apr 1857 at St James’ Church, Goulburn, NSW.
Hugh Henry Rose Lockyer (1824-1908), born at Westport Barracks, County Mayo, Ireland, on 11 June 1824, was probably named after Lt Hugh Henry Rose of the 19th Regiment of Foot who became captain, by purchase, on 30 June 1824, the same day Edmund Lockyer became a Major, by purchase, at the War Office, with the 19th Regiment of Foot. (20)
Hugh arrived in Sydney with his family on the Royal Charlotte on 29 April 1825 when he was six months old. One of his early memories was of the first steam boat Surprise which ran on the Paramatta River, a paddle-wheel with a treadmill inside for an engine, and a mule for motive power. (21)
He married Margaret Malcolm Wallis on 20 July 1876 at St. John’s Church, Hinton and they had two children – Henry (Harry) Edward Wallace Lockyer (1877-1924), and Marion Rivers Lockyer (1879-1964), both in Newcastle, NSW.
Hugh was a resident of Orange, NSW, for fifty years.
Parramatta Barracks 1860
Louisa Harris Lockyer (1826-1911) was the first of the Lockyer’s to be born in the colony of New South Wales, at the Parramatta Barracks, and was ‘the first white child to see the light in that district.’ (22)
On 10 April, 1853, Louisa gave birth to a son, Edmund Henry Lockyer (b. 1853) at Paramatta. On 31 Jan 1854, she married Thomas McWilliam (d.1883), a noted business man. They went to Dungog and soon became well-to-do as they owned several valuable properties. These, however, were eventually lost.
‘Louisa was seen as representing one of the most prominent families of early colonial history, moving in the highest military and gubernatorial circles of her day, coming in contact with all the prominent figures of the early times, and gathering a mass of interesting information. She was a most cultured woman, who moving in the high circles of Sydney, and London of the early forties, cultivated a charming personality. Her later years were spent in Dungog in unfortunate circumstances that were relieved and brightened by the good offices of a wide circle of friends.’ (22)
They had one son, Thomas Morris McWilliam (1854-1933), of Cangai, Grafton, who served through the South African war.
Major Edmund Lockyer (1784-1860) m Elizabeth Colston (1835-1884)
- Sir Nicholas Colston Lockyer, C.B.E., I.S.O. (1855-1933)
- Ellis Sophia Lockyer (1857-1909)
- Marion Joan Lockyer (1859-1946)
Sir Nicholas Colston Lockyer, C.B.E., I.S.O. (1855-1933) born in Woolloomooloo, Sydney, was the son of Major Edmund Lockyer and his third wife Eliza, nee Colston. He was educated at Fort Street Model School and the Lyceum Academy, Sydney, and was a leading oarsman and shark-hunter in his youth ‘a lithe, vigorous athletic man who had spent one holiday cycling through the inhospitable Moreton Bay country explored by his father.’ (23)
At the age of 13 he joined the civil service as a cadet and in 1870 was appointed clerk to the Treasury Department of New South Wales, where he was closely associated with Sir George Reid.
‘In September-November 1883 he was an inspector of public revenue accounts, in December he was appointed receiver of revenue and in 1886 accountant to the Treasury. He was responsible for the reorganization of the taxation department under the Land and Income Tax Assessment Act of 1895. In 1896 he was appointed to the combined positions of collector of customs and first commissioner of taxation in New South Wales. After Federation Lockyer transferred to the Commonwealth Public Service and in 1908 was appointed assistant comptroller-general of customs. He was by now an impressive, disciplined figure who, despite pince-nez and drawling accent, was credited with the ‘penetrating power of a hundred-ton gun’.’ (24)
Together with Charles C Kingston (SA Premier and leading advocate for Federation) and Sir Harry Wollaston (Chairman of the Committee which reported on the Federal Constitution Bill before it was adopted by the colonies, and first Comptroller-General of the Department of Trade and Customs, 1901-11), Lockyer had been responsible for framing the first Federal customs tariff. When Wollaston retired, Lockyer became Comptroller-General of Customs, and head of the Department of Trade and Customs, between 1911 and 1913, and a member of the inter-State Commission 1913-20.
‘During six months furlough in 1916 Lockyer, with the honorary rank of major, was honorary comptroller of the Australian Imperial Force’s garrison institutes in Australia, troopship canteens and prisoner-of-war canteens. From 1917, as first controller of repatriation, he was largely responsible for the organization of the Repatriation Department. In 1920-33 he was chairman of the A.I.F. Canteens Funds Trust and of the Sir Samuel McGaughey Bequest for the education of soldiers’ children.’ (25)
Lockyer was awarded an Imperial Service Order (1906) whilst Collector of Customs NSW, he was created a Commander of the Order of the British Empire (1918) and was made a Knight Bachelor in 1926.
In 1885, Nicholas Colston Lockyer married Mary Juliet Eager, a daughter of Geoffrey Eager (an accountant, colonial politician and NSW civil servant, son of Edward, an emancipated convict who helped found the Bank of New South Wales. Edward left Australia to take a legal battle over the rights of freed convicts to London, and didn’t return. His mother Jemima then married William Wentworth). Mary died in 1898. They had two daughters, Dorothy Hope (who married leading Arts and Crafts architect Rodney Alsop) and Ellis Marion. In 1908 Nicholas married Winifred Wollaston, a daughter of Sir Harry Wollaston. They had one son, Nicholas Lockyer.
Ellis Sophia Lockyer (1857-1909) was born at home at York House, Bay St, Woolloomooloo. On 17 Jan 1888, Ellis married Jerome Walford at St. Andrew’s Church, South Brisbane. They had three children – Nicholas L Walford (1891-1891), Edward J S Walford (b. 1892), and Marion Joan Walford (1896-1973).
Marion Joan Lockyer (1859-1946) was born at home at York House, Bay St, Woolloomooloo. Marion was a respected member of the Royal Australian Historical Society, ‘who in her own person constituted a remarkable historic link with early Australian history. She possessed a bright and cheery personality, and had the great gift of seeing the lighter side of life. She was never happier than when with many a quip and joke she spoke with friends.’ (26) Marion died after a short illness in Sydney.
William Lockyer (1785-1858) m Louise Love (1791-1845)
The Hastings seventy four. Lying in Ordinary in the Medway. William Nicholas Love Lockyer served as a lieutenant on HMS Hastings April 1848 – February 1849.
Capt William Nicholas Love Lockyer (1818-1904) was born at Newton Ferrers to William Lockyer (1785-1858) and Louisa Love. He entered the Royal Navy in 1832 and passed his lieutenant’s exam in 1838. From 2 November 1838 – 10 June 1840, he served on HMS Melville, a 74-gun, third-rate, ship of the line, as a midshipman, mate, and A.B. From 6 November 1840 to 26 August 1841 he served as a mate on HMS Excellent a 98-gun, second-rate, ship of the line. From 27 August 1841 to 3 October 1844 he served as a mate on HMS Aigle, a 36-gun, fifth-rate frigate.
William’s uncle, Nicholas Lockyer (1781-1847) was captain of HMS Albion from 10 November 1843 to 27 February 1847. William served as a mate under Capt Lockyer on this largest two-decker warship built in England, from 4 Oct 1844-31 Oct 1845 and as a lieutenant from 18 Jan-5 May 1846, in the Channel squadron. This 90-gun second-rate ship of the line was fast but had ‘a tendency to roll excessively in heavy weather, making her an unstable gun platform.’ (27)
William Nicholas Love Lockyer became a lieutenant in 1845 and served on the following ships in that role:
21 November 1845 – 17 January 1846 – HMS Bittern a 12-gun sloop brig.
6 May 1846 – 29 October 1847 – HMS Excellent a 98-gun, second-rate, ship of the line.
30 October 1847 – 13 April 1848 – HMS Caledonia a 120-gun, first-rate, ship of the line.
14 April 1848 – 19 February 1849 – HMS Hastings a 74-gun third-rate, ship of the line, built of the highest quality teak wood in Calcutta originally for the East India Company, following Sir Robert Seppings’ principles, which resulted in both longitudinal and transverse support in a vessel.
Between 20 February 1849 and 8 July 1850, William was Acting Commander and Commander (1849) of HMS Medea, a 179 foot long steam-driven sloop, to suppress piracy in Chinese waters. Following a salt boat stolen from Hong Kong harbour and several vessels sailing from Hong Kong for Singapore reported missing on 28 July, Capt Edward Norwich Troubridge, senior officer in China, sent Cdr Lockyer and Medea down the coast to make inquiries.
‘Reaching Tienpakh, on September 7th, Lockyer found the inner harbour crowded with fifty heavily armed junks, the town deserted by the mandarin for fear of the pirates, and upwards of a hundred trading junks held for ransom.’ (28)
Although he was given some useful information by the mistress of an American master named J. B. Endicott, without sufficient facts on which to act, he prepared to resume his voyage. But with further news of trading ships with British goods on board being seized by the pirates, ‘he returned, manned and armed his boats, and proceeded to search for the prize containing the British property. Five junks fired at him, whereupon he attacked and boarded, and, within half an hour, made himself master of all five, losing, however, one man killed, and nine people wounded. As the main body of the fleet then got under way as if to cut off his boats, he burnt his prizes, and withdrew to his ship. She drew too much water to be able to enter the harbour and the boats were obviously not strong enough to contend with so numerous a force.
Lockyer failed to gain news of the ships which he had been detached in search of, and, having gone back to Hong Kong, was sent thence to Whampoa to relieve the Columbine. There he saw six junks which he had noticed at Tienpakh, and informed against them but the Chinese authorities allowed them to weigh and make off. When at length, on September 28th, the Chinese despatched five war junks after the fugitives, the pirates captured the admiral and his entire squadron, massacred the crews, and roasted the mandarins and officers alive.’ (29)
Capture and destruction of thirteen Piratical Chinese Junks, in Mir’s Bay, by H. M. Steamer Medea
In March 1850, HMS Medea came across a fleet of 17 pirate junks at anchor in Mirs Bay, 30 miles east of Hong Kong. On seeing the warship, many of the pirates jumped overboard in an effort to escape. Volleys from Medea’s guns and musket fire reportedly killed 150 of the fleeing pirates as they swam towards shore. (30) These actions were looked on favorably by the Qing officials, who offered the crew of the Medea gifts of tea, dried oranges, sugar candy, and sixteen oxen and sheep. (31) The British declined the gifts, as the Medea had already sailed for England by the time the offer arrived. The crew were eventually awarded £1,900 in head money by the Admiralty. (32)
By the early 1850s, the Royal Navy with their new steam-powered, screw-driven vessels proved they could destroy large pirate fleets if found. The navy, however, was unable to completely eradicate piracy and it continued with small groups of opportunistic pirates attack mainly opium smugglers and others engaged in illicit activities.
HMS Colonial War Steamer Victoria, Melbourne, 1867
On 14 November 1852, Capt Lockyer sailed from London aboard the ship Dinapore for the colony of Victoria. Established as a colony separate from New South Wales in 1851, Victoria realised it required its own navy. By mid-1852, an appeal was made to Britain for an armed vessel to be stationed in Port Phillip. With the Victorian gold-rush attracting tens of thousands of people from all over the world, local authorities could not enforce control over the port waters. HMS Electra arrived at Williamstown in April but was inadequate.
In the minutes of the Estimates for 1853 submitted to the Legislative Council in November 1852, Governor Latrobe wrote ‘… it is proposed to appropriate sum’s sufficient to purchase and keep in commission a Government steam vessel which if the Council thinks fit, can be procured from England without delay.’ Hearing about the proposed purchase of a war steamer, Capt Lockyer wrote to La Trobe in April 1853, offering his services as her commander. He was prepared to go to England at his own expense and ‘without pay or allowance until he was able to personally supervise the construction of the vessel’. (33)
£11,500 was set aside and Commander Lockyer had been commissioned to procure the required steamer before LaTrobe’s successor Sir Charles Hotham left England to assume office in Victoria. Lockyer departed for Britain on 26 July 1853 aboard HMS Eagle to supervise the construction of Australia’s first warship, the 580 tons combined steam/sail sloop-of-war HMCS Victoria. It was the first British-built ship given to a British colony.
Soon after his arrival in Victoria, Hotham wrote to Lockyer on 19 July 1854, informing him that the amount placed at his disposal had been increased to £27,000 and he might spend up to £30,0000 if absolutely necessary. He was no longer to consider ‘a light draught of water as a necessity’ but to obtain a ‘good seagoing vessel fitted for general service.’ (34)
Lockyer was named the future Captain of HMCS Victoria at her launch on 30 June 1855 at the Limehouse Dockyard on the Thames. The ship was praised by the English press as ‘the foundation of a new naval power in the Southern Seas’. (35) The Victorian Navy had begun and following the success of Victoria in its employment of assisting shipwrecked mariners, carrying out coastal surveys, storing lighthouses, and as a water police ship, the Victorian colonial government ordered an ironclad ship, HMVS Cerberus.
William Nicholas Love Lockyer married Elizabeth-Selina Bell, youngest daughter of Lt-Col Bell, CB, late of the 48 th Reg, in Plymouth, Devon, in 1848.
Major Orlando Lockyer (1787-1819) m Anne Flattery (b.1871)
Thomas Arthur Lockyer (1811-1896)
In 1837, aged 27, Thomas Arthur Lockyer was indicted for a fraud to which he pleaded guilty. He was confined six months six weeks solitary. (36)
In 1843, Thomas Arthur Lockyer married Maria (Harriet) Catchlove (1816-1882) and had one surviving child, Edward Charles Catchlove Lockyer (b. 1839) who owned the Unicorn Brewery in Burra, Clare Valley, SA. (37)
Eliza Maria Lockyer (1791-1837) m Henry Alworth Merewether (1780-1864)
- Henry Alworth Merewether (1812-1877)
- Francis White Merewether (1813-1835)
- Herbert Walton Merewether (1816-1843)
- Elizabeth Mary Ann Merewether (1817-)
- John Robert Merewether (1818-1841)
- Edward Christopher Merewether (1820-1893)
- Lucy Eleanor Merewether (1821-)
- Richard Thomas Merewether (1822-1823)
- Major General Sir William Lockyer Merewether (1825-1880)
- Capt Alworth Merewether (1826-1861)
- John Lockyer Merewether (1829-1829)
- Edmund Robert Merewether (1829-1829)
Details of the Merewether family will appear in the next blog post
Jane Edwards Lockyer (1793-1854) m Edward Hobson Vitruvius Lawes (1781-1849)
- Edward Lawes (1817-1852)
- Jane Lawes (1818-1882)
- Maria Lawes (1819-)
- Vitruvius Lawes (1821-1890)
- Thomas Lawes (1822-)
- Eliza Lawes (1824-)
- William Lawes (1828-)
- Henry Lawes (1832-1834)
- Charles Lawes (1833-)
The Act for Promoting the Public Health 1849 & 1850 by Edward Lawes
Edward Lawes (1817-1852), eldest son of Edward HV Lawes sergeant-at-law, was born at Serjeants Inn, Sydenham Hill, and christened at St Andrew, Holborn, London. He became a barrister-at-law and married Caroline Sophia Bowen in 1843, in Lewisham. They had two children, Edward Bowen, baptised on 9 Aug 1848, and Caroline, born in 1850.
‘In March, 1850, a local Admiralty preliminary inquiry into the merits of the “Tyne Navigation Bill” was held by Edward Lawes, Esq., barrister-at-law, and James Abernethy, Esq., civil engineer, who sat for eighteen days, going fully into all the points which Captain Washington had investigated in the previous year. The Admiralty report on the Bill recommended strongly that the management of the River Tyne should be vested in a commission, that the new commissioners should be the parties to judge of the requisite measures of river improvement, and that consequently the works proposed by the Bill should not be sanctioned. Their Lordships also recommended that the greatest possible amount of dues then levied on shipping in the Tyne should, consistent with legal rights, be applied to the new conservancy.’ (38)
In 1851, Edward had a book published, The Act for Promoting the Public Health, 1849 & 1850. He resigned as chairman of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers in December, 1851, and died aged 35 in 1852 at Sydenham-hill. (39)
Vitruvius Lawes (1821-1890) was an assistant surgeon in the Bombay Army. He died aged 69 years. His wife Jane died 10 September 1898.
Brigadier General Henry Frederick Lockyer (1796-1860) m Ellis Anne Elizabeth Curry (1798-1861)
Part 5 of ‘The Age of Sail – Lt Edmund Henry Seppings’ first cousins – Lockyer side‘, is the Lockyer-Merewether family.
‘Thomas and Ann Lockyer of Wembury.’ Sources unknown
Royal Hotel, Plymouth, by Llewellyn Frederick William Jewitt – Day & Son (lithographer)
Llewellynn Jewitt – https://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O185321/print-lithograph-h-beard-print-collection/
Lockyers of Plymouth Coat of Arms
An Alphabetical List of Freemen of the Borough of Plymouth, published in August 1817, a copy of which is held in the Plymouth Local Studies Library.
‘The Ancient Parish Church of Saint Andrew the Apostle, Plymouith.’ From a postcard.
Wembury Church, South Devon (1931) linocut printing in water-based inks by Isabel de Bohun Lockyer (1890-1982)
‘Wembury House, Wembury, Devon’ – http://www.wembury.com/
‘South Wembury House, now Thorn House, Wembury’
Portrait of Major Edmund Lockyer from Battye Library
Portrait of Sarah Lockyer from the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales
King Georges Sound sketch by Major Edmund Lockyer, 1826
‘NSW Government Gazette 21 July 1857′
‘Isle D’Amsterdam Amsterdam Island, Indian Ocean, Jacques Nicola Bellin antique map 1753′ from ‘Amsterdam Island & St. Paul Island’ old antique copperplate engraving with hand coloring and taken from Prévost’s “Histoire générale des voyages 1753.
The Kandyan convention 1815
Town and lake of Kandy 1864 Lithograph by Jonathan Needham (fl.1850-1874) after Charles D.C. O’Brien of the ‘Town and lake of Kandy’ in Sri Lanka, dated 1 January 1864.
HMS Ajax – https://sailsofglory.org/showthread.php?5887-3rd-Rate-ships-of-the-Royal-Navy-1793-to-1815
Elizabeth Castle, Jersey – pencil and watercolour by D A B Gould.
Emily Catherine Jersey Lockyer – source unknown
Lockyersliegh – National Library of Australia
‘Parramatta Barracks 1860’ – https://www.lancers.org.au/site/Lancer_Barracks_Detailed_History.php
‘Sir Nicholas Colston Lockyer’ – source unknown
‘The Hastings seventy four. Lying in Ordinary in the Medway’ A scene of the Hastings lying in ordinary (meaning a vessel out of service for repair or maintenance) at Medway with men climbing onboard beside her. She is depicted port-bow, whilst various sailing boats are scattered disparately in the background and in the foreground. National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London
‘Capture and destruction of thirteen Piratical Chinese Junks, in Mir’s Bay, by H. M. Steamer Medea‘ Antique wood engraved print, 1850, London Illustrated News
‘HMS Colonial War Steamer Victoria, Melbourne, 1867.’ Her Majesty’s Colonial Steam Sloop Victoria, dressed with flags for the visit of Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh to Melbourne in 1867. The photograph was hand-tinted for presentation to the ship’s commander, William Henry Norman. Reproduced courtesy of Captain Norman’s great-grandson, Martin Lemann for ‘The Crown and Kangaroo Victorian Flags’, Provenance: The Journal of Public Record Office Victoria, issue no. 11, 2012. ISSN 1832-2522. Copyright © John Rogers. https://prov.vic.gov.au/explore-collection/provenance-journal/provenance-2012/crown-and-kangaroo-victorian-flags
Cover of The Act for Promoting the Public Health 1849 & 1850 by Edward Lawes
Wembury Local History Society –
Robert Rowland, Traine Farm, Wembury, Devon
Sue Carlyon, Wembury, Devon
Shirley Finnel, NZ historian (Lockyer descendent)
Letters written by Annie F Prynne (nee Lockyer) to Isabel de Bohun Lockyer, 1926
Colston & Wenck families in Australia http://colston-wenck.com/
(1) – Crispin Gill commenting on Edmund Lockyer (1750-1836) in Brian Moseley’s post. http://www.oldplymouth.uk
(1a) Plymouth at Work: People and Industries Through the Years by Ernie Hoblyn Amberley Publishing (2019)
(2) – Exeter and Plymouth Gazette Death announcement
(3) – The History of Libraries in Plymouth to 1914 – Thesis submitted for the External Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts of the University of London by Margaret Ivy Lattimore, April 1982
(4) – Brian Moseley, Plymouth –
(5) – In a letter written by Annie F Prynne (nee Lockyer) to Isabel de Bohun Lockyer, dated 4 July 1926, she recalled a harp at Stowford belonging to Elizabeth Rivers (1750-1838), nee Jones, possibly a descendant of a Welsh royal harpist.
(5a) – Excerpt from letter written by Annie F Prynne to Isabel de Bohun Lockyer 4 July 1926
(6) – A Treatise on the Conflict of Laws of England and Scotland, Part 1 by John Hosack
(7) – ‘The Common Law Marriage Contract’ Ch 6 P344-45
Common Law Marriage: A Legal Institution for Cohabitation by Goran Lind
(8) – The Dundee Courier & Argus Northern Warder 29th March 1881
(9) – source temporarily unavailable
(10) – NSW Government Gazette 1857 p.1441
(11) – The Brisbane Courier Sat 28 Nov 1925
(12) The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign …, Volume 24
(13) An excerpt from Narrative of the wreck of the lady Munro, on the desolate island of Amsterdam, October, 1833 by J M’Cosh, W Bennet, Free Press Office, Glasgow 1835
(14) – Perth Gazette 30 November 1833
(15) – Yorkshire Gazette 26 December 1846
(16) Lockyer Family Papers 1498-1918, Nicholas Colston Lockyer, compiler, (Mitchell Library MSS 2513, digitised), pp 177/178. https://australianroyalty.net.au/tree/purnellmccord.ged/individual/I29778/Eliza-Lockyer
(17) – https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cliefden,_Mandurama
(18) – 1906 ‘DEATH OF AN OLD PIONEER.’, The Tumut and Adelong Times (NSW : 1864 – 1867 1899 – 1950), 16 March, p. 2. , viewed 30 Dec 2018
(19) – Australian Town and Country Journal 9 Apr 1898
(20) – THE CONNAUGHT JOURNAL Galway, Monday, August 9, 1824
(21) – Obituary – The Sydney Mail and NSW Advertiser Wed 26 Aug 1908 p 538
(22) – Dungog Chronicle and Durham and Gloucester Advertiser 1 Sep 1911
(23) – ‘Lockyer, Sir Nicholas Colston (1855–1933)’ by D I McDonald. This article was first published in Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 10, (MUP), 1986
(24) – Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 10, (MUP), 1986
(25) – Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 10, (MUP), 1986
(26) – Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society vol 32, pt 4, 1946, page 269
(27) – source temporarily unavailable
(28) – Lockyer to Troubridge, Sept. 8th, 1849 Hay, ‘ Suppression of Piracy.’
THE ROYAL NAVY, A History from the Earliest Times to the Present by Wm. Laird Clowes in Seven Volumes. Vol. VI. London. Sampson Low, Marston and Company 1901
(29) – Cdr. W.N.L. Lockyer, Captain of HMS “Medea” to Capt. J.W. Morgan, Senior Naval Officer, China, March 5, 1850. FO 17/166 
(30) – Sū to Bonham, March 14, 1850. FO 17/166
(31) – Bonham to Sū, March 15, 1850. FO 17/166 Fox, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates, 1832-1869, 110–111.
(32) – Victorian Public Records Office (VPRS 1189 PO Unit 580 A53/4698) courtesy of Pat Majewski.
(33) – ‘Our First Warship’ by A.W. Greig The Argus Saturday 3 May 1919 p6
(34) – The Gentleman’s Magazine, Volumes 183-184 p423
(35) – ‘Our First Warship’ by A.W. Greig The Argus Saturday 3 May 1919 p6
(36) – Central Criminal Court. Minutes of Evidence, Volume 7, by Henry Buckler, p115
by Great Britain. Central Criminal Court
(37) – http://catchlove-research.org/page27a.html
(38) – https://electricscotland.com/history/articles/river_tyne
(39) – Justice of the Peace and Local Government Review, Volume 13, 1849 p788
Edmund Beatty Lockyer (1813-1891)
Reports of Cases Decided in the Supreme Courts of Scotland and in the House of Lords on Appeal from Scotland Volume 18 1846
Listing compiled from articles in the Exeter Flying Post. Provided by Lindsey Withers Wednesday, December 4, 1861 – Edmund Beatty Lockyer – Plymouth, Devonshire
Falkirk Herald Stirlingshire, Scotland 6 Mar 1869
Elgin Courant, and Morayshire Advertiser Moray, Scotland 5 Mar 1869
The Dundee Courier & Argus Northern Warder 29th March 1881
Lt. William Edmund Lockyer (1808-1886)
A List of the Officers of the Army and of the Corps of Royal Marines
by Great Britain. War Office 1827
A List of the Officers of the Army and of the Corps of Royal Marines
by Great Britain. War Office 1832
United States Cemetery Records
Index to our Cemetery Transcriptions
AccessGenealogy has over 600 cemetery transcriptions from across the United States. The first listings are cemetery transcriptions that we have inserted into databases. They are completely searchable by names. The second listing are individual transcriptions that AccessGenealogy has. Many of our transcriptions were down in the mid 1900's and contain transcriptions of headstones no longer readable.
Note: The above searches only covers the cemeteries that are transcribed at AccessGenealogy’s website. After conducting your search at AccessGenealogy’s historical cemeteries, National Cemeteries, WPA cemeteries, and our general transcription database, you should advance to our state-by-state listing of all cemetery transcriptions found online through the state links below.
The following are our United States cemetery records listed by state. Browse these listings for particular cemeteries in each state that have interments found online.