Rwanda under German and Belgian control
From 1894 to 1918, Rwanda, along with Burundi, was part of German East Africa. After Belgium became the administering authority under the mandates system of the League of Nations, Rwanda and Burundi formed a single administrative entity they continued to be jointly administered as the Territory of Ruanda-Urundi until the end of the Belgian trusteeship in 1962. By then, however, the two states had evolved radically different political systems. Rwanda had declared itself a republic in January 1961 and forced its monarch (mwami), Kigeri, into exile. Burundi, on the other hand, retained the formal trappings of a constitutional monarchy until 1966.
The Rwanda revolution was rooted partly in a traditional system of stratification based on an all-embracing “premise of inequality” and partly in a colonial heritage that greatly increased the oppressiveness of the few over the many. Tutsi hegemony was unquestionably more burdensome under Belgian rule than at any time prior to European colonization. By the end of World War II, a growing number of colonial civil servants and missionaries had come to recognize the legitimacy of Hutu claims against the ruling Tutsi minority. The proclamation of the republic a year and a half before the country acceded to independence testifies to the substantial support extended by the trusteeship authorities to the revolution.
Germany and the Herero
The Herero and Nama genocide was a campaign of racial extermination and collective punishment that the German Empire undertook in German South-West Africa (modern-day Namibia) against the Herero and Nama people, considered one of the first genocides of the 20th century.
Assess the argument for classifying the persecution against the Herero as a genocide
- During the Scramble for Africa, South-West Africa was claimed by Germany in August 1884.
- German colonists arriving in the following years occupied large areas of land, ignoring claims by the Herero and other natives.
- There was continual resistance by the natives, most notably in 1903 when some of the Herero tribes rose in revolt and about 60 German settlers were killed.
- In October 1904, General Lothar von Trotha issued orders to kill every male Herero and drive the women and children into the desert when the order was lifted at the end of 1904, prisoners were herded into concentration camps and given as slave labor to German businesses many died of overwork and malnutrition.
- It took until 1908 to re-establish German authority over the territory by that time tens of thousands of Africans (estimates range from 34,000 to 110,000) had been either killed or died of thirst while fleeing.
- In 1985, the United Nations ‘ Whitaker Report classified the aftermath as an attempt to exterminate the Herero and Nama peoples of South-West Africa, and therefore one of the earliest attempts at genocide in the 20th century. In 2004, the German government recognized and apologized for the events
- Herero: An ethnic group inhabiting parts of Southern Africa. The majority reside in Namibia, with the remainder found in Botswana and Angola. During the German colonial empire, the German colonists committed genocide against these people.
- Eugen Fischer: A German professor of medicine, anthropology, and eugenics, and a member of the Nazi Party. He served as director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Human Heredity, and Eugenics, and as rector of the Frederick William University of Berlin. His ideas informed the Nuremberg Laws of 1935 and served to justify the Nazi Party’s attitudes of racial superiority. Adolf Hitler read his work while imprisoned in 1923 and used his eugenical notions to support the ideal of a pure Aryan society in his manifesto, Mein Kampf (My Struggle).
- German South-West Africa: A colony of the German Empire from 1884 until 1915. It was 1.5 times the size of the mainland German Empire in Europe at the time. The colony had a population of around 2,600 Germans, numerous indigenous rebellions, and a widespread genocide of the indigenous peoples.
Colonization and Conflict
During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Herero migrated to what is today Namibia from the east and established themselves as herdsmen. In the beginning of the 19th century, the Nama from South Africa, who already possessed some firearms, entered the land and were followed by white merchants and German missionaries. At first, the Nama began displacing the Herero, leading to bitter warfare between the two groups that lasted the greater part of the 19th century. Later, the Nama and Herero entered a period of cultural exchange.
During the late 19th century, the first Europeans arrived to permanently settle the land. Primarily in Damaraland, German settlers acquired land from the Herero to establish farms. In 1883, merchant Franz Adolf Eduard Lüderitz entered into a contract with the native elders. The exchange later became the basis of German colonial rule. The territory became a German colony under the name of German South-West Africa.
Soon after, conflicts between the German colonists and the Herero herdsmen began. These were frequently disputes about access to land and water, but also the legal discrimination against the native population by the white immigrants.
Between 1893 and 1903, the Herero and Nama people’s land and cattle were progressively making their way into the hands of the German colonists. The Herero and Nama resisted expropriation over the years, but were disorganized and the Germans defeated them with ease. In 1903, the Herero people learned that they were to be placed in reservations, leaving more room for colonists to own land and prosper. In 1904, the Herero and Nama began a large rebellion that lasted until 1907, ending with the near destruction of the Herero people.
Genocide Against the Herero and Nama People
According to some historians, “The war against the Herero and Nama was the first in which German imperialism resorted to methods of genocide.” Roughly 80,000 Herero lived in German South-West Africa at the beginning of Germany’s colonial rule over the area, while after their revolt was defeated, they numbered approximately 15,000. In a period of four years, 1904-1907, approximately 65,000 Herero and 10,000 Nama people perished.
The first phase of the genocide was characterized by widespread death from starvation and dehydration due to the prevention of the retreating Herero from leaving the Namib Desert by German forces. Once defeated, thousands of Herero and Nama were imprisoned in concentration camps, where the majority died of disease, abuse, and exhaustion.
During the Herero genocide Eugen Fischer, a German scientist, came to the concentration camps to conduct medical experiments on race, using children of Herero people and mulatto children of Herero women and German men as test subjects. Together with Theodor Mollison he also experimented upon Herero prisoners. Those experiments included sterilization and injection of smallpox, typhus, and tuberculosis. The numerous mixed offspring upset the German colonial administration, which was concerned with maintaining “racial purity.” Eugen Fischer studied 310 mixed-race children, calling them “bastards” of “lesser racial quality.” Fischer also subjected them to numerous racial tests such as head and body measurements and eye and hair examinations. In conclusion of his studies he advocated genocide of alleged “inferior races” stating that “whoever thinks thoroughly the notion of race, can not arrive at a different conclusion.” Fischer’s torment of the children was part of a wider history of abusing Africans for experiments, and echoed earlier actions by German anthropologists who stole skeletons and bodies from African graveyards and took them to Europe for research or sale.
In 1985, the United Nations’ Whitaker Report classified the aftermath as an attempt to exterminate the Herero and Nama peoples of South-West Africa, and therefore one of the earliest attempts at genocide in the 20th century. In 2004, the German government recognized and apologized for the events, but ruled out financial compensation for the victims’ descendants. In July 2015, the German government and the speaker of the Bundestag officially called the events a “genocide” and “part of a race war.” However it has refused to consider reparations.
In recent years scholars have debated the “continuity thesis” that links German colonialist brutalities to the treatment of Jews, Poles, and Russians during World War II. Some historians argue that Germany’s role in Africa gave rise to an emphasis on racial superiority at home, which in turn was used by the Nazis. Other scholars, however, are skeptical and challenge the continuity thesis.
Surviving Herero: Photograph of emaciated survivors of the German genocide against Herero after an escape through the arid desert of Omaheke
Is Germany doing enough?
Dewa Mavhinga, southern Africa director at Human Rights Watch, says Germany’s acknowledgement of atrocities in Namibia “does not go far enough.” Others say that by avoiding the term “reparation,” European nations continue to avert legal responsibility.
For economic anthropologist Jason Hickel, Germany is “afraid of setting a legal precedent that might open the door to further claims.”
However, there is ongoing debate over what reparations could look like in action. Historian Adam Hochschild points out that “government-to-government payments” may be challenging. “How you actually pay reparations to a people whose government is corrupt and dysfunctional is a difficult question,” he says. “We need to find alternatives.”
The cost of reparations and what might be owed to Africa remains to be calculated, but estimates range from $100 trillion and $777 trillion. It would be an extraordinary sum of money.
A Brutal Genocide in Colonial Africa Finally Gets its Deserved Recognition
As a teenager in the 1960s, Israel Kaunatjike joined the fight against apartheid in his native Namibia. He couldn't have known that his activism would take him across the globe, to Berlin—the very place where his homeland's problems started.
Back then, Europeans called Kaunatjike’s home South-West Africa—and it was European names that carried the most weight tribal names, or even the name Namibia, had no place in the official taxonomy. Black and white people shared a country, yet they weren't allowed to live in the same neighborhoods or patronize the same businesses. That, says Kaunatjike, was verboten.
A few decades after German immigrants staked their claim over South-West Africa in the late 19th century, the region came under the administration of the South African government, thanks to a provision of the League of Nations charter. This meant that Kaunatjike's homeland was controlled by descendants of Dutch and British colonists—white rulers who, in 1948, made apartheid the law of the land. Its shadow stretched from the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic, covering an area larger than Britain, France, and Germany combined.
“Our fight was against the regime of South Africa,” says Kaunatjike, now a 68-year-old resident of Berlin. “We were labeled terrorists.”
During the 1960s, hundreds of anti-apartheid protesters were killed, and thousands more were thrown in jail. As the South African government tightened its fist, many activists decided to flee. “I left Namibia illegally in 1964,” says Kaunatjike. “I couldn't go back.”
Kaunatjike is sitting in his living room in a quiet corner of Berlin, the city where he's spent more than half his life. He has a light beard and wears glasses that make him look studious. Since his days fighting apartheid, his hair has turned white. “I feel very at home in Berlin,” he says.
Which is a bit ironic, when you consider that in the 1880s, just a few miles from Kaunatjike's apartment, the German Kaiser Wilhelm II ordered the invasion of South-West Africa. This makes his journey a strange sort of homecoming.
The battle that Kaunatjike fought as a teen and arguably still fights today, against the cycle of oppression that culminated in apartheid, began with a brutal regime established by the German empire. It ought to be recognized as such—and with help from Kaunatjike, it might.
Germans first reached the arid shores of southwestern Africa in the mid-1800s. Travelers had been stopping along the coast for centuries, but this was the start of an unprecedented wave of European intervention in Africa. Today we know it as the Scramble for Africa.
In 1884, German chancellor Otto von Bismarck convened a meeting of European powers known as the Berlin Conference. Though the conference determined the future of an entire continent, not a single black African was invited to participate. Bismarck declared South-West Africa a German colony suitable not only for trade but for European settlement. Belgium's King Leopold, meanwhile seized the Congo, and France claimed control of West Africa.
The German flag soon became a beacon for thousands of colonists in southern Africa—and a symbol of fear for local tribes, who had lived there for millennia. Missionaries were followed by merchants, who were followed by soldiers. The settlers asserted their control by seizing watering holes, which were crucial in the parched desert. As colonists trickled inland, local wealth—in the form of minerals, cattle, and agriculture—trickled out.
Indigenous people didn't accept all this willingly. Some German merchants did trade peacefully with locals. But like Belgians in the Congo and the British in Australia, the official German policy was to seize territory that Europeans considered empty, when it most definitely was not. There were 13 tribes living in Namibia, of which two of the most powerful were the Nama and the Herero. (Kaunatjike is Herero.)
Germans were tolerated partly because they seemed willing to involve themselves as intermediaries between warring local tribes. But in practice, their treaties were dubious, and when self-interest benefitted the Germans, they stood by idly. The German colonial governor at the turn of the 20th century, Theodor Leutwein, was pleased as local leadership began to splinter. According to Dutch historian Jan-Bart Gewald, for instance, Leutwein gladly offered military support to controversial chiefs, because violence and land seizure among Africans worked to his advantage. These are all tactics familiar to students of United States history, where European colonists decimated and dispossessed indigenous populations.
When Kaunatjike was a child, he heard only fragments of this history. His Namibian schoolteachers taught him that when the Germans first came to southern Africa, they built bridges and wells. There were faint echoes of a more sinister story. A few relatives had fought the Germans, for example, to try and protect the Herero tribe. His Herero tribe.
Israel Kaunatjike has lived in Berlin for most of his life. (Daniel Gross)
Kaunatjike's roots are more complicated than that, however. Some of his relatives had been on the other side—including his own grandfathers. He never met either of them, because they were both German colonists.
“Today, I know that my grandfather was named Otto Mueller,” says Kaunatjike. “I know where he's buried in Namibia.”
During apartheid, he explains, blacks were forcibly displaced to poorer neighborhoods, and friendships with whites were impossible. Apartheid translates to “apartness” in Afrikaans. But many African women worked in German households. “Germans of course had relationships in secret with African women,” says Kaunatjike. “Some were raped.” He isn't sure what happened to his own grandmothers.
After arriving in Germany, Kaunatjike started to read about the history of South-West Africa. It was a deeply personal story for him. “I was recognized as a political refugee, and as a Herero,” he says. He found that many Germans didn't know their own country's colonial past.
But a handful of historians had uncovered a horrifying story. Some saw Germany's behavior in South-West Africa as a precursor of German actions in the Holocaust. The boldest among them argued that South-West Africa was the site of the first genocide of the 20th century. “Our understanding of what Nazism was and where its underlying ideas and philosophies came from,” write David Olusoga and Casper W. Erichsen in their book The Kaiser's Holocaust, “is perhaps incomplete unless we explore what happened in Africa under Kaiser Wilhelm II.”
Kaunatjike is a calm man, but there's a controlled anger in his voice as he explains. While German settlers forced indigenous tribes farther into the interior of South West Africa, German researchers treated Africans as mere test subjects. Papers published in German medical journals used skull measurements to justify calling Africans Untermenschen—subhumans. “Skeletons were brought here,” says Kaunatjike. “Graves were robbed.”
If these tactics sound chillingly familiar, that's because they were also used in Nazi Germany. The connections don't end there. One scientist who studied race in Namibia was a professor of Josef Mengele—the infamous “Angel of Death” who conducted experiments on Jews in Auschwitz. Heinrich Goering, the father of Hitler's right-hand man, was colonial governor of German South-West Africa.
The relationship between Germany's colonial history and its Nazi history is still a matter of debate. (For example, the historians Isabel Hull and Birthe Kundrus have questioned the term genocide and the links between between Nazism and mass violence in Africa.) But Kaunatjike believes that past is prologue, and that Germany's actions in South-West Africa can't be disentangled from its actions during World War II. “What they did in Namibia, they did with Jews,” says Kaunatjike. “It's the same, parallel history.”
For the tribes in South-West Africa, everything changed in 1904. Germany's colonial regime already had an uneasy relationship with local tribes. Some German arrivals depended on locals who raised cattle and sold them land. They even enacted a rule that protected Herero land holdings. But the ruling was controversial: many German farmers felt that South-West Africa was theirs for the taking.
Disputes with local tribes escalated into violence. In 1903, after a tribal disagreement over the price of a goat, German troops intervened and shot a Nama chief in an ensuing scuffle. In retaliation, Nama tribesmen shot three German soldiers. Meanwhile, armed colonists were demanding that the rule protecting Herero land holdings be overturned, wanting to force Herero into reservations.
Soon after, in early 1904, the Germans opened aggressive negotiations that aimed to drastically shrink Herero territory, but the chiefs wouldn't sign. They refused to be herded into a small patch of unfamiliar territory that was badly suited for grazing. Both sides built up their military forces. According to Olusoga and Erichsen’s book, in January of that year, two settlers claimed to have seen Herero preparing for an attack—and colonial leaders sent a telegram to Berlin announcing an uprising, though no fighting had broken out.
It isn't clear who fired the first shots. But German soldiers and armed settlers were initially outnumbered. The Herero attacked a German settlement, destroying homes and railroad tracks, and eventually killing several farmers.
When Berlin received word of the collapse of talks—and the death of white German subjects—Kaiser Wilhelm II sent not only new orders but a new leader to South-West Africa. Lieutenant General Lothar von Trotha took over as colonial governor, and with his arrival, the rhetoric of forceful negotiations gave way to the rhetoric of racial extermination. Von Trotha issued an infamous order called the Vernichtungsbefehl—an extermination order.
“The Herero are no longer German subjects,” read von Trotha's order. “The Herero people will have to leave the country. If the people refuse I will force them with cannons to do so. Within the German boundaries, every Herero, with or without firearms, with or without cattle, will be shot. I won’t accommodate women and children anymore. I shall drive them back to their people or I shall give the order to shoot at them.”
Lieutenant General Lothar von Trotha, seated fourth from the left, brought a new regime to South-West Africa (Wikimedia Commons)
German soldiers surrounded Herero villages. Thousands of men and women were taken from their homes and shot. Those who escaped fled into the desert—and German forces guarded its borders, trapping survivors in a wasteland without food or water. They poisoned wells to make the inhuman conditions even worse—tactics that were already considered war crimes under the Hague Convention, which were first agreed to in 1899. (German soldiers would use the same strategy a decade later, when they poisoned wells in France during World War I.)
In the course of just a few years, 80 percent of the Herero tribe died, and many survivors were imprisoned in forced labor camps. After a rebellion of Nama fighters, these same tactics were used against Nama men, women, and children. In a colony where indigenous people vastly outnumbered the thousands of German settlers, the numbers are staggering: about 65,000 Herero and 10,000 Nama were murdered.
Images from the period make it difficult not to think of the Holocaust. The survivors’ chests and cheeks are hollowed out from the slow process of starvation. Their ribs and shoulders jut through their skin. These are the faces of people who suffered German rule and barely survived. This is a history that Kaunatjike inherited.
German colonial rule ended a century ago, when Imperial Germany lost World War I. But only after Namibia gained independence from South Africa in 1990 did the German government really begin to acknowledge the systematic atrocity that had happened there. Although historians used the word genocide starting in the 1970s, Germany officially refused to use the term.
Progress has been slow. Exactly a century after the killings began, in 2004, the German development minister declared that her country was guilty of brutality in South West Africa. But according to one of Kaunatjike's fellow activists, Norbert Roeschert, the German government avoided formal responsibility.
In a striking contrast with the German attitude toward the Holocaust, which some schoolteachers start to cover in the 3rd grade, the government used a technicality to avoid formally apologizing for genocide in South-West Africa.
“Their answer was the same over the years, just with little changes,” says Roeschert, who works for the Berlin-based nonprofit AfrikAvenir. “Saying that the Genocide Convention was put in place in 1948, and cannot be applied retroactively.”
This illustration depicting a German woman being attacked by black men was typical of what Germans would have been told about the Herero genocide: that white citizens, women particularly, were in danger of attack (Wikimedia Commons)
For activists and historians, Germany’s evasiveness, that genocide wasn’t yet an international crime in the early 1900s, was maddening. Roeschert believes the government avoided the topic on pragmatic grounds, because historically, declarations of genocide are closely followed by demands for reparations. This has been the case with the Holocaust, the Armenian Genocide, and the Rwandan Genocide.
Kaunatjike is a witness and an heir to Namibia's history, but his country's story been doubly neglected. First, historical accounts of apartheid tend to place overwhelming emphasis on South Africa. Second, historical accounts of genocide focus so intently on the Holocaust that it's easy to forget that colonial history preceded and perhaps foreshadowed the events of World War II.
This might finally be changing, however. Intense focus on the centennial of the Armenian Genocide also drew attention to brutality in European colonies. A decade of activism helped change the conversation in Germany, too. Protesters in Germany had some success pressuring universities to send Herero human remains back to Namibia one by one, German politicians began talking openly about genocide.
Perhaps the greatest breakthrough came this summer. In July, the president of the German parliament, Norbert Lammert, in an article for the newspaper Die Zeit, described the killing of Herero and Nama as Voelkermord. Literally, this translates to “the murder of a people”—genocide. Lammert called it a “forgotten chapter” in history that Germans have a moral responsibility to remember.
“We waited a long time for this,” says Kaunatjike. “And that from the mouth of the president of the Bundestag. That was sensational for us.”
“And then we thought—now it really begins. It will go further,” Kaunatjike says. The next step is an official apology from Germany—and then a dialogue between Namibia, Germany, and Herero representatives. Germany has so far balked at demands for reparations, but activists will no doubt make the case. They want schoolchildren to know this story, not only in Germany but also in Namibia.
For Kaunatjike, there are personal milestones to match the political ones. 2015 year marks 25 years of Namibian independence. In November, Kaunatjike plans to visit his birthplace. “I want to go to my old village, where I grew up,” he says. He'll visit an older generation of Namibians who remember a time before apartheid. But he also plans to visit his grandfather's grave. He never met any of his German family, and he often wonders what role they played in the oppression of Namibians.
When Kaunatjike's journey started half a century ago, the two lines of his family were kept strictly separate. As time went on, however, his roots grew tangled. Today he has German roots in Namibia and Namibian roots in Germany. He likes it that way.
Kaunatjike sometimes wishes he spent less time on campaigns and interviews, so he'd have more time to spend with his children. But they're also the reason he's still an activist. “My children have to know my story,” he says. He has grandchildren now, too. Their mother tongue is German. And unlike Kaunatjike himself, they know what kind of a man their grandfather is.
Another example of the misinformation fed to the public. (Wikimedia Commons)
About Daniel A. Gross
Daniel A. Gross is a freelance journalist and public radio producer based in Boston.
The name "Tanzania" was created as a clipped compound of the names of the two states that unified to create the country: Tanganyika and Zanzibar.  It consists of the first three letters of the names of the two states ("Tan" and "Zan") and the suffix, "ia" to form Tanzania.
The name "Tanganyika" is derived from the Swahili words tanga ("sail") and nyika ("uninhabited plain", "wilderness"), creating the phrase "sail in the wilderness". It is sometimes understood as a reference to Lake Tanganyika. 
The name of Zanzibar comes from "zenji", the name for a local people (said to mean "black"), and the Arabic word "barr", which means coast or shore. 
The indigenous populations of eastern Africa are thought to be the linguistically isolated Hadza and Sandawe hunter-gatherers of Tanzania.  : page 17
The first wave of migration was by Southern Cushitic speakers who moved south from Ethiopia and Somalia into Tanzania. They are ancestral to the Iraqw, Gorowa, and Burunge.  : page 17 Based on linguistic evidence, there may also have been two movements into Tanzania of Eastern Cushitic people at about 4,000 and 2,000 years ago, originating from north of Lake Turkana.  : pages 17–18
Archaeological evidence supports the conclusion that Southern Nilotes, including the Datoog, moved south from the present-day South Sudan / Ethiopia border region into central northern Tanzania between 2,900 and 2,400 years ago.  : page 18
These movements took place at approximately the same time as the settlement of the iron-making Mashariki Bantu from West Africa in the Lake Victoria and Lake Tanganyika areas. They brought with them the west African planting tradition and the primary staple of yams. They subsequently migrated out of these regions across the rest of Tanzania between 2,300 and 1,700 years ago.  
Eastern Nilotic peoples, including the Maasai, represent a more recent migration from present-day South Sudan within the past 500 to 1,500 years.  
The people of Tanzania have been associated with the production of iron and steel. The Pare people were the main producers of sought-after iron for peoples who occupied the mountain regions of north-eastern Tanzania.  The Haya people on the western shores of Lake Victoria invented a type of high-heat blast furnace, which allowed them to forge carbon steel at temperatures exceeding 1,820 °C (3,310 °F) more than 1,500 years ago. 
Travellers and merchants from the Persian Gulf and India have visited the east African coast since early in the first millennium AD.  Islam was practised by some on the Swahili Coast as early as the eighth or ninth century A.D. 
Bantu-speakers built farming and trade villages along the Tanzanian coast from the outset of the first millennium. Archaeological finds at Fukuchani, on the north-west coast of Zanzibar, indicate a settled agricultural and fishing community from the 6th century CE at the latest. The considerable amount of daub found indicates timber buildings, and shell beads, bead grinders, and iron slag have been found at the site. There is evidence for limited engagement in long-distance trade: a small amount of imported pottery has been found, less than 1% of total pottery finds, mostly from the Gulf and dated to the 5th to 8th century. The similarity to contemporary sites such as Mkokotoni and Dar es Salaam indicate a unified group of communities that developed into the first centre of coastal maritime culture. The coastal towns appear to have been engaged in Indian Ocean and inland African trade at this early period. Trade rapidly increased in importance and quantity beginning in the mid-8th century and by the close of the 10th century Zanzibar was one of the central Swahili trading towns. 
Growth in Egyptian and Persian shipping from the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf revitalized Indian Ocean trade, particularly after the Fatimid Caliphate relocated to Fustat (Cairo). Swahili agriculturalists built increasingly dense settlements to tap into trade, these forming the earliest Swahili city-states. The Venda-Shona Kingdoms of Mapungubwe and Zimbabwe in South Africa and Zimbabwe, respectively, became a major producer of gold around this same period. Economic, social, and religious power was increasingly vested in Kilwa, Tanzania's major medieval city-state. Kilwa controlled a number of smaller ports stretching down to modern-day Mozambique. Sofala became the major gold emporium and Kilwa grew rich off the trade, lying at the southern end of the Indian Ocean Monsoons. Kilwa's major rivals lay to the north, in modern-day Kenya, namely Mombasa and Malindi. Kilwa remained the major power in East Africa until the arrival of the Portuguese at the end of the 15th century. 
Claiming the coastal strip, Omani Sultan Said bin Sultan moved his capital to Zanzibar City in 1840. During this time, Zanzibar became the centre for the east African slave trade.  Between 65 and 90 per cent of the Arab-Swahili population of Zanzibar was enslaved.  One of the most infamous slave traders on the East African coast was Tippu Tip, who was the grandson of an enslaved African. The Nyamwezi slave traders operated under the leadership of Msiri and Mirambo.  According to Timothy Insoll, "Figures record the exporting of 718,000 slaves from the Swahili coast during the 19th century, and the retention of 769,000 on the coast."  In the 1890s, slavery was abolished. 
In the late 19th century, Germany conquered the regions that are now Tanzania (minus Zanzibar) and incorporated them into German East Africa (GEA).  The Supreme Council of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference awarded all of GEA to Britain on 7 May 1919, over the strenuous objections of Belgium.  : 240 The British colonial secretary, Alfred Milner, and Belgium's minister plenipotentiary to the conference, Pierre Orts [fr] , then negotiated the Anglo-Belgian agreement of 30 May 1919  : 618–9 where Britain ceded the north-western GEA provinces of Ruanda and Urundi to Belgium.  : 246 The conference's Commission on Mandates ratified this agreement on 16 July 1919.  : 246–7 The Supreme Council accepted the agreement on 7 August 1919.  : 612–3 On 12 July 1919, the Commission on Mandates agreed that the small Kionga Triangle south of the Rovuma River would be given to Portuguese Mozambique,  : 243 with it eventually becoming part of independent Mozambique. The commission reasoned that Germany had virtually forced Portugal to cede the triangle in 1894.  : 243 The Treaty of Versailles was signed on 28 June 1919, although the treaty did not take effect until 10 January 1920. On that date, the GEA was transferred officially to Britain, Belgium, and Portugal. Also on that date, "Tanganyika" became the name of the British territory.
During World War II, about 100,000 people from Tanganyika joined the Allied forces  and were among the 375,000 Africans who fought with those forces.  Tanganyikans fought in units of the King's African Rifles during the East African Campaign in Somalia and Abyssinia against the Italians, in Madagascar against the Vichy French during the Madagascar Campaign, and in Burma against the Japanese during the Burma Campaign.  Tanganyika was an important source of food during this war, and its export income increased greatly compared to the pre-war years of the Great Depression  Wartime demand, however, caused increased commodity prices and massive inflation within the colony. 
In 1954, Julius Nyerere transformed an organisation into the politically oriented Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). TANU's main objective was to achieve national sovereignty for Tanganyika. A campaign to register new members was launched, and within a year, TANU had become the leading political organisation in the country. Nyerere became Minister of British-administered Tanganyika in 1960 and continued as prime minister when Tanganyika became independent in 1961. 
British rule came to an end on 9 December 1961, but for the first year of independence, Tanganyika had a governor general who represented the British monarch.  : page 6 Tanganyika also joined the British Commonwealth in 1961.  On 9 December 1962, Tanganyika became a democratic republic under an executive president.  : page 6
After the Zanzibar Revolution overthrew the Arab dynasty in neighbouring Zanzibar, accompanied with the slaughter of thousands of Arab Zanzibarians,  which had become independent in 1963, the archipelago merged with mainland Tanganyika on 26 April 1964.  The new country was then named the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar.   On 29 October of the same year, the country was renamed the United Republic of Tanzania ("Tan" comes from Tanganyika and "Zan" from Zanzibar).  The union of the two hitherto separate regions was controversial among many Zanzibaris (even those sympathetic to the revolution) but was accepted by both the Nyerere government and the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar owing to shared political values and goals.
Following Tanganyika's independence and unification with Zanzibar leading to the state of Tanzania, President Nyerere emphasised a need to construct a national identity for the citizens of the new country. To achieve this, Nyerere provided what is regarded as one of the most successful cases of ethnic repression and identity transformation in Africa.  With over 130 languages spoken within its territory, Tanzania is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in Africa. Despite this obstacle, ethnic divisions remained rare in Tanzania when compared to the rest of the continent, notably its immediate neighbour, Kenya. Furthermore, since its independence, Tanzania has displayed more political stability than most African countries, particularly due to Nyerere's ethnic repression methods. 
In 1967, Nyerere's first presidency took a turn to the left after the Arusha Declaration, which codified a commitment to socialism as well as Pan-Africanism. After the declaration, banks and many large industries were nationalised.
Tanzania was also aligned with China, which from 1970 to 1975 financed and helped build the 1,860-kilometre-long (1,160 mi) TAZARA Railway from Dar es Salaam to Zambia.  Nonetheless, from the late 1970s, Tanzania's economy took a turn for the worse, in the context of an international economic crisis affecting both developed and developing economies.
From the mid-1980s, the regime financed itself by borrowing from the International Monetary Fund and underwent some reforms. Since then, Tanzania's gross domestic product per capita has grown and poverty has been reduced, according to a report by the World Bank. 
In 1992, the Constitution of Tanzania was amended to allow multiple political parties.  In Tanzania's first multi-party elections, held in 1995, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi won 186 of the 232 elected seats in the National Assembly, and Benjamin Mkapa was elected as president. 
The presidents of Tanzania since Independence have been Julius Nyerere 1962–1985, Ali Hassan Mwinyi 1985–1995, Benjamin Mkapa 1995–2005 Jakaya Kikwete 2005–2015 John Magufuli 2015–2021 and Samia Hassan Suluhu since 2021.  After the long tenure of president Nyerere, the Constitution has a term limit, a president can serve a maximum of two terms. Each term is five years.  Every president has represented the ruling party Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM).  President Magufuli won a landslide victory and re-election in October 2020. According to the opposition, the election was full of fraud and irregularities. 
On 17 March 2021, President John Magufuli died from heart complications whilst in office.  Magufuli's vice president, Samia Suluhu Hassan, became Tanzania's first female president. 
At 947,303 square kilometres (365,756 sq mi),  Tanzania is the 13th largest country in Africa and the 31st largest in the world, ranked between the larger Egypt and smaller Nigeria.  It borders Kenya and Uganda to the north Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west and Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique to the south. Tanzania is located on the eastern coast of Africa and has an Indian Ocean coastline approximately 1,424 kilometres (885 mi) long.  It also incorporates several offshore islands, including Unguja (Zanzibar), Pemba, and Mafia.  : page 1245 The country is the site of Africa's highest and lowest points: Mount Kilimanjaro, at 5,895 metres (19,341 ft) above sea level, and the floor of Lake Tanganyika, at 1,471 metres (4,826 ft) below sea level, respectively.  : page 1245
Tanzania is mountainous and densely forested in the northeast, where Mount Kilimanjaro is located. Three of Africa's Great Lakes are partly within Tanzania. To the north and west lie Lake Victoria, Africa's largest lake, and Lake Tanganyika, the continent's deepest lake, known for its unique species of fish. To the southwest lies Lake Nyasa. Central Tanzania is a large plateau, with plains and arable land. The eastern shore is hot and humid, with the Zanzibar Archipelago just offshore.
Kalambo Falls in the southwestern region of Rukwa is the second highest uninterrupted waterfall in Africa, and is located near the southeastern shore of Lake Tanganyika on the border with Zambia.  The Menai Bay Conservation Area is Zanzibar's largest marine protected area.
Climate varies greatly within Tanzania. In the highlands, temperatures range between 10 and 20 °C (50 and 68 °F) during cold and hot seasons respectively. The rest of the country has temperatures rarely falling lower than 20 °C (68 °F). The hottest period extends between November and February (25–31 °C or 77.0–87.8 °F) while the coldest period occurs between May and August (15–20 °C or 59–68 °F). Annual temperature is 20 °C (68.0 °F). The climate is cool in high mountainous regions.
Tanzania has two major rainfall periods: one is uni-modal (October–April) and the other is bi-modal (October–December and March–May).  The former is experienced in southern, central, and western parts of the country, and the latter is found in the north from Lake Victoria extending east to the coast.  The bi-modal rainfall is caused by the seasonal migration of the Intertropical Convergence Zone. 
Climate change in Tanzania is resulting in rising temperatures with a higher likelihood of intense rainfall events (resulting in flooding) and of dry spells (resulting in droughts).   Climate change is already impacting the sectors in Tanzania of agriculture, water resources, health and energy. Sea level rise and changes in the quality of water are expected to impact fisheries and aquaculture. 
Tanzania produced a National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) in 2007 as mandated by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In 2012, Tanzania produced a National Climate Change Strategy in response to the growing concern of the negative impacts of climate change and climate variability on the country's social, economic and physical environment. 
Wildlife and conservation Edit
Tanzania contains around 20% of the species of Africa's enormous warm-blooded animal populace, found over its 21 National parks, reserves, 1 conservation area, and 3 marine parks. Spread over a zone of in excess of 42,000 square kilometres (16,000 sq. mi) and shaping around 38% of the nation's area.   Tanzania has 21 national parks,  plus a variety of game and forest reserves, including the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. In western Tanzania, Gombe Stream National Park is the site of Jane Goodall's ongoing study of chimpanzee behaviour, which started in 1960.  
Tanzania is highly biodiverse and contains a wide variety of animal habitats.  On Tanzania's Serengeti plain, white-bearded wildebeest (Connochaetes taurinus mearnsi), other bovids and zebra  participate in a large-scale annual migration. Tanzania is home to about 130 amphibian and over 275 reptile species, many of them strictly endemic and included in the International Union for Conservation of Nature's Red Lists of countries.  Tanzania has the largest lion population in the world. 
Tanzania had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 7.13/10, ranking it 54th globally out of 172 countries. 
A tower of giraffes at Arusha National Park. The giraffe is the national animal.
Female chimpanzee with a baby chimp at Gombe Stream National Park
Plains zebras in Mikumi National Park
Tanzania is a one party dominant state with the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party in power. From its formation until 1992, it was the only legally permitted party in the country. This changed on 1 July 1992, when the constitution was amended.  : § 3 Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) has held power since independence in 1961. It is the longest-serving ruling party in Africa. 
John Magufuli won the October 2015 presidential election and secured a two-thirds majority in parliament.   The main opposition party in Tanzania since multiparty politics in 1992 is called Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) (Swahili for "Party for Democracy and Progress"). The leader of Chadema party is Freeman Mbowe. 
In Zanzibar, the country's semi-autonomous state, The Alliance for Change and Transparency-Wazalendois (ACT-Wazalendo) is considered the main opposition political party. The constitution of Zanzibar requires the party that comes in second in the polls to join a coalition with the winning party. ACT-Wazalendo joined a coalition government with the islands’ ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi in December 2020 after Zanzibar disputed elections. 
In November 2020, Magufuli once again was declared the winner for his second term as president. Election fraud was suspected. The national electoral commission announced that Magufuli received 84%, or about 12.5 million votes and the top opposition candidate, Tundu Lissu received 13%, about 1.9 million votes. 
In March 2021, it was announced that Magufuli had died whilst serving in office, meaning that his vice president, Samia Suluhu Hassan, became the country's president. 
The president of Tanzania and the members of the National Assembly are elected concurrently by direct popular vote for five-year terms.  : § 42(2) The vice-president is elected for a five-year term at the same time as the president and on the same ticket.  : §§ 47(2), 50(1) Neither the president nor the vice-president may be a member of the National Assembly.  : § 66(2) The president appoints a prime minister, subject to confirmation by the assembly, to serve as the government's leader in the assembly.  : §§ 51(1)-(2), 52(2) The president selects his or her cabinet from assembly members.  : § 55
All legislative power relating to mainland Tanzania and union matters is vested in the National Assembly,  : § 64(1) which is unicameral and has a maximum of 357 members.  These include members elected to represent constituencies, the attorney general, five members elected by the Zanzibar house of representatives from among its own members, the special women's seats that constitute at least 30% of the seats that any party has in the assembly, the speaker of the assembly (if not otherwise a member of the assembly), and the persons (not more than ten) appointed by the president.  : § 66(1) The Tanzania Electoral Commission demarcates the mainland into constituencies in the number determined by the commission with the consent of the president.  : § 75
Tanzania's legal system is based on English common law. 
Tanzania has a four-level judiciary.  The lowest-level courts on the Tanzanian mainland are the Primary Courts.  In Zanzibar, the lowest-level courts are the Kadhi's Courts for Islamic family matters and the Primary Courts for all other cases.  On the mainland, appeal is to either the District Courts or the Resident Magistrates Courts.  In Zanzibar, appeal is to the Kadhi's Appeal Courts for Islamic family matters and the Magistrates Courts for all other cases.  From there, appeal is to the High Court of Mainland Tanzania or Zanzibar.  No appeal regarding Islamic family matters can be made from the High Court of Zanzibar.   : § 99(1) Otherwise, the final appeal is to the Court of Appeal of Tanzania. 
The High Court of mainland Tanzania has three divisions – commercial, labour, and land  – and 15 geographic zones.  The High Court of Zanzibar has an industrial division, which hears only labour disputes. 
Mainland and union judges are appointed by the Chief Justice of Tanzania,  except for those of the Court of Appeal and the High Court, who are appointed by the president of Tanzania.  : §§ 109(1), 118(2)–(3)
The legislative authority in Zanzibar over all non-union matters is vested in the House of Representatives (per the Tanzania constitution)  : § 106(3) or the Legislative Council (per the Zanzibar constitution).
The Legislative Council has two parts: the president of Zanzibar and the House of Representatives.  : § 107(1)-(2)  : § 63(1) The president is Zanzibar's head of government and the chairman of the Revolutionary Council, in which the executive authority of Zanzibar is invested.  : §§ 5A(2), 26(1) Zanzibar has two vice-presidents, with the first being from the main opposition party in the house.   The second is from the party in power and is the leader of government business in the House. 
The president and the members of the House of Representatives have five-year terms and can be elected for a second term.  : § 28(2)
The president selects ministers from members of the House of Representatives,  : § 42(2) with the ministers allocated according to the number of House seats won by political parties.  The Revolutionary Council consists of the president, both vice-presidents, all ministers, the attorney general of Zanzibar, and other house members deemed fit by the president. 
The House of Representatives is composed of elected members, ten members appointed by the president, all the regional commissioners of Zanzibar, the attorney general, and appointed female members whose number must be equal to 30 per cent of the elected members.  : §§ 55(3), 64, 67(1) The House determines the number of its elected members  : § 120(2) with the Zanzibar Electoral Commission determining the boundaries of each election constituency.  : § 120(1) In 2013, the House had 81 members: fifty elected members, five regional commissioners, the attorney general, ten members appointed by the president, and fifteen appointed female members. 
Administrative subdivisions Edit
In 1972, local government on the mainland was abolished and replaced with direct rule from the central government. Local government, however, was reintroduced in the beginning of the 1980s, when the rural councils and rural authorities were re-established. Local government elections took place in 1983, and functioning councils started in 1984. In 1999, a Local Government Reform Programme was enacted by the National Assembly, setting "a comprehensive and ambitious agenda . [covering] four areas: political decentralization, financial decentralization, administrative decentralization and changed central-local relations, with the mainland government having overriding powers within the framework of the Constitution." 
As of 2016, Tanzania is divided into thirty-one regions (mkoa),   twenty-six on the mainland and five in Zanzibar (three on Unguja, two on Pemba).  In 2012, the thirty former regions were divided into 169 districts (wilaya), also known as local government authorities. Of those districts, 34 were urban units, which were further classified as three city councils (Arusha, Mbeya, and Mwanza), nineteen municipal councils, and twelve town councils. 
The urban units have an autonomous city, municipal, or town council and are subdivided into wards and mtaa. The non-urban units have an autonomous district council but are subdivided into village councils or township authorities (first level) and then into vitongoji. 
The city of Dar es Salaam is unique because it has a city council whose area of jurisdiction overlaps three municipal councils. The mayor of the city council is elected by that council. The twenty-member city council is composed of eleven persons elected by the municipal councils, seven members of the National Assembly, and "Nominated members of parliament under 'Special Seats' for women". Each municipal council also has a mayor. "The City Council performs a coordinating role and attends to issues cutting across the three municipalities", including security and emergency services.   The city of Mwanza has a city council whose areal jurisdiction overlaps two municipal councils.
Foreign relations Edit
Bilateral relations Edit
Apart from its border dispute with Malawi, Tanzania had cordial relations with its neighbours in 2012. 
Relations between Tanzania and Malawi have been tense because of a dispute over the countries' Lake Nyasa (Lake Malawi) border. An unsuccessful mediation regarding this issue took place in March 2014.  : page 1250   The two countries agreed in 2013 to ask the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to resolve the dispute should mediation be unsuccessful.  Malawi, but not Tanzania, has accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. 
Relations between Tanzania and Rwanda deteriorated in 2013 when Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete said that if the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) could negotiate with some of its enemies, Rwanda should be able to do the same.  Rwandan President Paul Kagame then expressed "contempt" for Kikwete's statement.  The tension was renewed in May 2014 when, in a speech to the Tanzanian National Assembly, Foreign Affairs Minister Bernard Membe renewed his claim that Rwandans were causing instability in the DRC. Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Louise Mushikiwabo responded, "As for Tanzania's foreign minister whose anti-Rwanda rant in parliament I heard, he would benefit from a lesson in the history of the region." 
Tanzania has maintained strong relations with the United Kingdom since its independence Britain remains the largest non-African importer of Tanzanian tea  and other raw materials are exchanged. Britain remains a high contributor of tourists to Tanzania. Both are members of the Commonwealth of Nations and engage in strategic union in defence, security and ceremonial affairs the Tanzanian High Commission is in London and the British have a High Commission in Dar es Salaam.
Tanzania–China relations have strengthened in recent years as trade between the two countries and Chinese investment in Tanzanian infrastructure have increased rapidly.  : page 1250 
Tanzania's relations with other donor countries, including Japan and members of the European Union, are generally good, though donors are concerned about Tanzania's commitment to reducing government corruption.  : page 1250 
Multilateral relations Edit
Tanzania is a member of the East African Community (EAC), along with Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda,Burundi and South Sudan.  According to the East African Common Market Protocol of 2010, the free trade and free movement of people is guaranteed, including the right to reside in another member country for purposes of employment.  : 1250   This protocol, however, has not been implemented because of work permit and other bureaucratic, legal, and financial obstacles. 
Tanzania is also a member of the Southern African Development Community (SADC).  The EAC, the SADC, and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa agreed in June 2011 to negotiate the creation of a Tripartite Free Trade Area spanning 26 African countries, with a goal to complete the first phase of negotiations within 36 months. 
As of 31 October 2014, Tanzania was contributing 2,253 soldiers and other personnel to various United Nations peacekeeping operations.  The Tanzanian military is participating along with South African and Malawian militaries in the United Nations Force Intervention Brigade (MONUSCO) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The United Nations Security Council authorised the force on 28 March 2013 to conduct targeted offensive operations to neutralise groups that threaten peace in the DRC.  Tanzania was also participating in peacekeeping missions in the Darfur Region of Sudan (UNAMID) Abyei, control of which is contested between South Sudan and Sudan (UNISFA) the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) Lebanon (UNIFIL) and South Sudan (UNMISS). 
The Tanzania People's Defence Force (TPDF) (Kiswahili: Jeshi la Wananchi wa Tanzania (JWTZ)) is the armed forces of Tanzania, operating as a people's force under civilian control. It is composed of five branches or commands: Land Force (army), Air Force, Naval Command, National Service, Headquarter (MMJ).  Tanzanian citizens are able to volunteer for military service from 15 years of age, and 18 years of age for compulsory military service upon graduation from secondary school. Conscript service obligation was 2 years as of 2004.
Human rights Edit
Throughout Tanzania, sex acts between men are illegal and carry a maximum penalty of life imprisonment.  According to a 2007 Pew Research Centre survey, 95 percent of Tanzanians believed that homosexuality should not be accepted by society. 
People with albinism living in Tanzania are often attacked, killed or mutilated because of superstitions related to the black-magical practice known as muti that say body parts of albinos have magical properties. 
Tanzania has the highest occurrence of this human rights violation among 27 African countries where muti is known to be practised. 
In December 2019, Amnesty International reported that the Tanzanian government annulled the right of NGOs as well as individuals to directly file any case against it at the Arusha-based African Court for Human and Peoples' Rights. 
As of 2021 [update] , according to the IMF, Tanzania's gross domestic product (GDP) was an estimated $71 billion (nominal), or $218.5 billion on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis. GDP per capita (PPP) was $3,574. 
From 2009 through 2013, Tanzania's per capita GDP (based on constant local currency) grew an average of 3.5% per year, higher than any other member of the East African Community (EAC) and exceeded by only nine countries in Sub-Saharan Africa: the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Lesotho, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. 
Tanzania's largest trading partners in 2017 for its US$5.3 billion in exports were India, Vietnam, South Africa, Switzerland, and China.  Its imports totalled US$8.17 billion, with India, Switzerland, Saudi Arabia, China, and the United Arab Emirates being the biggest partners. 
Tanzania weathered the Great Recession, which began in late 2008 or early 2009, relatively well. Strong gold prices, bolstering the country's mining industry, and Tanzania's poor integration into global markets helped to insulate the country from the downturn.  : page 1250 Since the recession ended, the Tanzanian economy has expanded rapidly thanks to strong tourism, telecommunications, and banking sectors.  : page 1250
According to the United Nations Development Programme, however, recent growth in the national economy has benefited only the "very few", leaving out the majority of the population.  Tanzania's 2013 Global Hunger Index was worse than any other country in the EAC except Burundi.  : page 15 The proportion of persons who were undernourished in 2010–12 was also worse than any other EAC country except Burundi.  : page 51
In 2020, the World Bank declared the rise of the Tanzanian economy from low income to lower middle income country, with a gross domestic product (GDP) estimated to be between US$1,006 and US$3,955.  
Hunger and poverty Edit
Tanzania has made some progress towards reducing extreme hunger and malnutrition. The Global Hunger Index ranked the situation as "alarming" with a score of 42 in the year 2000 since then the GHI has declined to 29.5.  Children in rural areas suffer substantially higher rates of malnutrition and chronic hunger, although urban-rural disparities have narrowed as regards both stunting and underweight.  Low rural sector productivity arises mainly from inadequate infrastructure investment limited access to farm inputs, extension services and credit limited technology as well as trade and marketing support and heavy dependence on rain-fed agriculture and natural resources. 
Approximately 68 per cent of Tanzania's 61.1 million citizens live below the poverty line of $1.25 a day. 32 per cent of the population are malnourished.  The most prominent challenges Tanzania faces in poverty reduction are unsustainable harvesting of its natural resources, unchecked cultivation, climate change and water- source encroachment, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 
There are very few resources for Tanzanians in terms of credit services, infrastructure or availability to improved agricultural technologies, which further exacerbates hunger and poverty in the country according to the UNDP.  Tanzania ranks 159 out of 187 countries in poverty according to the United Nation's Human Development Index (2014). 
The 2019 World Bank report showed that in the last 10 years, poverty has reduced by 8 per cent, from 34.4% in 2007 to 26.4% in 2018. 
The Tanzanian economy is heavily based on agriculture, which in 2013 accounted for 24.5 per cent of gross domestic product,  : page 37 provides 85% of exports,  and accounted for half of the employed workforce  : page 56 The agricultural sector grew 4.3 per cent in 2012, less than half of the Millennium Development Goal target of 10.8%.  16.4 per cent of the land is arable,  with 2.4 per cent of the land planted with permanent crops.  Tanzania's economy relies on farming, but climate change has impacted their farming.
Maize was the largest food crop on the Tanzania mainland in 2013 (5.17 million tonnes), followed by cassava (1.94 million tonnes), sweet potatoes (1.88 million tonnes), beans (1.64 million tonnes), bananas (1.31 million tonnes), rice (1.31 million tonnes), and millet (1.04 million tonnes).  : page 58 Sugar was the largest cash crop on the mainland in 2013 (296,679 tonnes), followed by cotton (241,198 tonnes), cashew nuts (126,000 tonnes), tobacco (86,877 tonnes), coffee (48,000 tonnes), sisal (37,368 tonnes), and tea (32,422 tonnes).  : page 58 Beef was the largest meat product on the mainland in 2013 (299,581 tonnes), followed by lamb/mutton (115,652 tonnes), chicken (87,408 tonnes), and pork (50,814 tonnes).  : page 60
According to the 2002 National Irrigation Master Plan, 29.4 million hectares in Tanzania are suitable for irrigation farming however, only 310,745 hectares were actually being irrigated in June 2011. 
Industry, energy and construction Edit
Industry and construction is a major and growing component of the Tanzanian economy, contributing 22.2 per cent of GDP in 2013.  : page 37 This component includes mining and quarrying, manufacturing, electricity and natural gas, water supply, and construction.  : page 37 Mining contributed 3.3 per cent of GDP in 2013.  : page 33 The vast majority of the country's mineral export revenue comes from gold, accounting for 89 per cent of the value of those exports in 2013.  : page 71 It also exports sizeable quantities of gemstones, including diamonds and tanzanite.  : page 1251 All of Tanzania's coal production, which totalled 106,000 short tons in 2012, is used domestically. 
Only 15 per cent of Tanzanians had access to electric power in 2011.  The government-owned Tanzania Electric Supply Company Limited (TANESCO) dominates the electric supply industry in Tanzania.  The country generated 6.013 billion kilowatt hours (kWh) of electricity in 2013, a 4.2 per cent increase over the 5.771 billion kWh generated in 2012.  : page 4 Generation increased by 63 per cent between 2005 and 2012   Almost 18 per cent of the electricity generated in 2012 was lost because of theft and transmission and distribution problems.  The electrical supply varies, particularly when droughts disrupt hydropower electric generation rolling blackouts are implemented as necessary.  : page 1251  The unreliability of the electrical supply has hindered the development of Tanzanian industry.  : page 1251 In 2013, 49.7 per cent of Tanzania's electricity generation came from natural gas, 28.9 per cent from hydroelectric sources, 20.4 per cent from thermal sources, and 1.0 per cent from outside the country.  : page 5 The government has built a 532 kilometres (331 mi) gas pipeline from Mnazi Bay to Dar es Salaam.  This pipeline was expected to allow the country to double its electricity generation capacity to 3,000 megawatts by 2016.  The government's goal is to increase capacity to at least 10,000 megawatts by 2025. 
According to PFC Energy, 25 to 30 trillion cubic feet of recoverable natural gas resources have been discovered in Tanzania since 2010,  bringing the total reserves to over 43 trillion cubic feet by the end of 2013.  The value of natural gas actually produced in 2013 was US$52.2 million, a 42.7 per cent increase over 2012.  : page 73
Commercial production of gas from the Songo Songo Island field in the Indian Ocean commenced in 2004, thirty years after it was discovered there.   Over 35 billion cubic feet of gas was produced from this field in 2013,  : page 72 with proven, probable, and possible reserves totalling 1.1 trillion cubic feet.  The gas is transported by pipeline to Dar es Salaam.  As of 27 August 2014, TANESCO owed the operator of this field, Orca Exploration Group Inc. 
A newer natural gas field in Mnazi Bay in 2013 produced about one-seventh of the amount produced near Songo Songo Island  : page 73 but has proven, probable, and possible reserves of 2.2 trillion cubic feet.  Virtually all of that gas is being used for electricity generation in Mtwara. 
The Ruvuma and Nyuna regions of Tanzania have been explored mostly by the discovery company that holds a 75 per cent interest, Aminex, and has shown to hold in excess of 3.5 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. A pipeline connecting offshore natural gas fields to Tanzania's commercial capital Dar es Salaam was completed at the end of April 2015. 
Travel and tourism contributed 17.5 per cent of Tanzania's gross domestic product in 2016  and employed 11.0 per cent of the country's labour force (1,189,300 jobs) in 2013.  Overall receipts rose from US$1.74 billion in 2004 to US$4.48 billion in 2013,  and receipts from international tourists rose from US$1.255 billion in 2010 to US$2 billion in 2016.   In 2016, 1,284,279 tourists arrived at Tanzania's borders compared to 590,000 in 2005.  The vast majority of tourists visit Zanzibar or a "northern circuit" of Serengeti National Park, the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Tarangire National Park, Lake Manyara National Park, and Mount Kilimanjaro.  : page 1252 In 2013, the most visited national park was Serengeti (452,485 tourists), followed by Manyara (187,773) and Tarangire (165,949).  : page xx
The Bank of Tanzania is the central bank of Tanzania and is primarily responsible for maintaining price stability, with a subsidiary responsibility for issuing Tanzanian shilling notes and coins.  At the end of 2013, the total assets of the Tanzanian banking industry were 19.5 trillion Tanzanian shillings, a 15 per cent increase over 2012. 
Most transport in Tanzania is by road, with road transport constituting over 75 per cent of the country's freight traffic and 80 per cent of its passenger traffic.  : page 1252 The 86,500 kilometres (53,700 mi) road system is in generally poor condition.  : page 1252 Tanzania has two railway companies: TAZARA, which provides service between Dar es Salaam and Kapiri Mposhi (in a copper-mining district in Zambia), and Tanzania Railways Limited, which connects Dar es Salaam with central and northern Tanzania.  : page 1252 Rail travel in Tanzania often entails slow journeys with frequent cancellations or delays, and the railways have a deficient safety record.  : page 1252
In Dar es Salaam, there is a huge project of rapid buses, Dar Rapid Transit (DART) which connects suburbs of Dar es Salaam city. The development of the DART system consists of six phases and is funded by the African Development Bank, the World Bank and the Government of Tanzania. The first phase began in April 2012, and it was completed in December 2015 and launched operations in May 2016. 
Tanzania has four international airports, along with over 120 small airports or landing strips. Airport infrastructure tends to be in poor condition.  : page 1253 Airlines in Tanzania include Air Tanzania, Precision Air, Fastjet, Coastal Aviation, and ZanAir.  : page 1253
In 2013, the communications sector was the fastest growing in Tanzania, expanding 22.8 per cent however, the sector accounted for only 2.4 per cent of gross domestic product that year.  : page 2
As of 2011, Tanzania had 56 mobile telephone subscribers per 100 inhabitants, a rate slightly above the sub-Saharan average.  : page 1253 Very few Tanzanians have fixed-line telephones.  : page 1253 Approximately 12 per cent of Tanzanians used the internet as of 2011 [update] , though this number is growing rapidly.  : page 1253 The country has a fibre-optic cable network that replaced unreliable satellite service, but internet bandwidth remains very low.  : page 1253
Water supply and sanitation Edit
Water supply and sanitation in Tanzania has been characterised by decreasing access to improved water sources in the 2000s (especially in urban areas), steady access to some form of sanitation (around 93 per cent since the 1990s), intermittent water supplies, and generally low quality of service.  Many utilities are barely able to cover their operation and maintenance costs through revenues because of low tariffs and poor efficiency. There are significant regional differences, with the best performing utilities being Arusha, Moshi, and Tanga. 
The government of Tanzania has embarked on a major sector reform process since 2002. An ambitious National Water Sector Development Strategy that promotes Integrated Water Resources Management and the development of urban and rural water supply was adopted in 2006. Decentralisation has meant that responsibility for water and sanitation service provision has shifted to local government authorities and is carried out by 20 urban utilities and about 100 district utilities, as well as by Community Owned Water Supply Organisations in rural areas. 
These reforms have been backed by a significant increase of the budget starting in 2006, when the water sector was included among the priority sectors of the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty. The Tanzanian water sector remains heavily dependent on external donors, with 88 per cent of the available funds being provided by external donor organisations.  Results have been mixed. For example, a report by Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit noted that "despite heavy investments brought in by the World Bank and the European Union, (the utility serving Dar es Salaam) has remained one of the worst performing water entities in Tanzania." 
Economic statistics controversy Edit
Two articles in the Economist in July 2020 raised doubts about official claims of economic growth: "If Tanzania’s economy grew by almost 7% in the fiscal year to the end of June 2019, why did tax revenue fall by 1%? And why has bank lending to companies slumped? Private data are bad, too. In 2019 sales at the biggest brewer fell by 5%. Sales of cement by the two biggest producers were almost flat. None of these things is likely if growth is storming ahead. The discrepancies are so large that it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the government is lying."  
Tim Staermose, a proponent of African investment, took issue with these data: "Some of these statements by The Economist, based on the evidence I have gathered from primary sources – namely, the statutory financial reports that listed companies in Tanzania are legally obligated to release – are simply not true. Bank lending to companies as far as I can see has not, 'slumped.' The two biggest banks in Tanzania, which between them account for approximately 40% of the banking sector, both reported strong loan growth in 2019. . As for cement sales being 'almost flat,' again, this is total nonsense. . In 2019 Twiga sold 6% more cement by volume than it did in 2018. In the first six months of 2020, Twiga already sold 8% more cement than it had done by the same stage in 2019. Again, these numbers are very consistent with an economy that’s reported to be growing at around 7% per annum. . [On] the 5% fall in beer sales in 2019 . the published 2019 annual report by Tanzania Breweries Limited (TBL) will tell you there were one-off circumstances that largely drove the decline . [which] resulted in sales falling. But TBL's profits actually rose in 2019." 
Poor nutrition remains a persistent problem within Tanzania and varies hugely throughout the country's regions. USAID reports that 16% of children are underweight and 34% experience stunted growth as a result of malnutrition.  10 regions house 58% of children suffering from stunted growth while 50% of acutely malnourished children can be found in 5 regions.  Over a 5-year period, the Mara district of Tanzania saw a 15% reduction in stunting in children under 5 years old, falling from 46% to 31% in 2005 and 2010 respectively. Dodoma, on the other hand saw a 7% increase in the prevalence of stunting in this age group, rising from 50% in 2005 to 57% in 2010.  Overall availability of food does not necessarily contribute to overall stunting figures. Iringa, Mbeya and Rukwa regions, where overall availability of food is considered acceptable still experience stunting incidences in excess of 50%. In some areas where food shortages are common such as in the Tabora and Singida regions, stunting incidences remain comparatively less than those seen in Iringa, Mbeya and Rukwa.  The Tanzania Food and Nutrition Centre attributes these discrepancies to variance in maternal malnutrition, poor infant feeding practices, hygiene practices and poor healthcare services.  Periods of drought can have significant impacts on the production of crops in Tanzania. Drought in East Africa has resulted in massive increases in the prices of food staples such as maize and sorghum, crops crucial to the nutrition of the majority of Tanzania's population. From 2015 to 2017 the price of maize when bought wholesale more than tripled, from 400 Shillings per kilogram to 1253 Shillings per kilogram. 
Tanzania remains heavily agricultural, with 80% of the total population engaging in subsistence farming.  Rural areas are subjected to increased food shortages in comparison to urbanised areas, with a survey carried out within the country in 2017 finding 84% of people in rural areas suffering food shortages over a 3-month period compared to 64% of residents in cities.  This disparity between rural and city nutrition can be attributed to various factors increased nutritional needs due to manual labour, more limited access to food as a result of poor infrastructure, high-susceptibility to the damaging effects of nature and the "Agricultural Productivity Gap".  The Agricultural Productivity Gap postulates that "value added per worker" is often much lower within the agricultural sector than that found within non-agricultural sectors. Furthermore, allocation of labour within the agricultural sector is largely allocated ineffectively. 
Programmes targeting hunger Edit
USAID programmes focussing on nutrition operate within the Morogoro, Dodoma, Iringa, Mbeya, Manyara, Songwe and Zanzibar regions of Tanzania. These "Feed the Future" programmes heavily invest in nutrition, infrastructure, policy, capacity of institutions and agriculture which is identified by the organisation as a key area of economic growth in the country.  A Tanzanian government led initiative "Kilimo Kwanza" or "Agriculture First" aims to encourage investment into agriculture within the private sector and hopes to improve agricultural processes and development within the country by seeking the knowledge of young people and the innovation that they can potentially provide.  During the 1990s, around 25% of Tanzania's population were provided access to iodized oil aimed to target iodine deficiency within expecting mothers, as result of studies showing the negative effects of in-utero iodine deficiency on cognitive development in children. Research showed that children of mothers with access to the supplement achieved on average greater than a third of a year more education than those who did not. 
Programmes led by the World Food Programme operate within Tanzania. The Supplementary Feeding Programme (SFP) aims to target acute malnutrition by supplying blended food fortified with vitamins to pregnant women and mothers to children under 5 on a monthly basis.  Pregnant women and mothers to children under 2 have access to the Mother and Child Health and Nutrition Programme's "Super Cereal" which is supplied with the intent of reducing stunting in children.  World Food Programme supplementation remains the main food source for Tanzania's refugees. Super Cereal, Vegetable Oil, Pulses and Salt are supplied as part of the Protracted Relief and Recovery Operation to meet the average persons minimum daily caloric requirement of 2,100 kcal.  UNICEF state that continued investment in nutrition within Tanzania is of the utmost importance: Estimates predict that Tanzania stands to lose $20 billion by 2025 if nutrition within the country remains at its current level, however improvements in nutrition could produce a gain of around $4.7 billion 
Save the Children, with the help of UNICEF and Irish Aid funding created the Partnership for Nutrition in Tanzania (PANITA), in 2011. PANITA aims to use civil society organisations to target nutrition within the country. Alongside this, various sectors associated with nutrition are targeted such as agriculture, water, sanitation, education, economic development and social progress. PANITA is responsible for ensuring significant attention is given to nutrition in development plans and budgets created on national and regional levels within Tanzania. Since its conception, PANITA has grown from 94 to 306 participating civil society organisations nationwide.  Agriculture within Tanzania is targeted by the Irish Aid led initiative Harnessing Agriculture for Nutrition Outcomes (HANO), which aims to merge nutrition initiatives with agriculture in the Lindi District of the country. The project aims to reduce stunting by 10% in children aged 0 to 23 months. 
Tanzania's first "National Science and Technology Policy" was adopted in 1996. The objective of the government's "Vision 2025" (1998) document was to "transform the economy into a strong, resilient and competitive one, buttressed by science and technology".
Under the umbrella of the One UN Initiative, UNESCO and Tanzanian government departments and agencies formulated a series of proposals in 2008 for revising the "National Science and Technology Policy". The total reform budget of US$10 million was financed from the One UN fund and other sources. UNESCO provided support for mainstreaming science, technology, and innovation into the new "National Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy" for the mainland and Zanzibar namely, Mkukuta II and Mkuza II, including in the field of tourism.
Tanzania's revised science policy was published in 2010. Entitled "National Research and Development Policy", it recognises the need to improve the process of prioritisation of research capacities, develop international co-operation in strategic areas of research and development, and improve planning for human resources. It also makes provisions for the establishment of a National Research Fund. This policy was, in turn, reviewed in 2012 and 2013. 
In 2010, Tanzania devoted 0.38 per cent of GDP to research and development. The global average in 2013 was 1.7 per cent of GDP. Tanzania had 69 researchers (in head counts) per million population in 2010. In 2014, Tanzania counted 15 publications per million inhabitants in internationally catalogued journals, according to Thomson Reuters' Web of Science (Science Citation Index Expanded). The average for sub-Saharan Africa was 20 publications per million inhabitants and the global average 176 publications per million inhabitants.
According to the 2012 census, the total population was 44,928,923.  The under-15 age group represented 44.1 per cent of the population. 
The population distribution in Tanzania is uneven. Most people live on the northern border or the eastern coast, with much of the remainder of the country being sparsely populated.  : page 1252 Density varies from 12 per square kilometre (31/sq mi) in the Katavi Region to 3,133 per square kilometre (8,110/sq mi) in the Dar es Salaam Region.  : page 6
Approximately 70 per cent of the population is rural, although this percentage has been declining since at least 1967.  Dar es Salaam (population 4,364,541)  is the largest city and commercial capital. Dodoma (population 410,956)  is located in the centre of Tanzania, is the capital of the country, and hosts the National Assembly.
At the time of the foundation of the United Republic of Tanzania in 1964 the child mortality rate was 335 deaths per 1,000 live births. Since independence the rate of child deaths declined to 62 per 1000 births. 
The population consists of about 125 ethnic groups.  The Sukuma, Nyamwezi, Chagga, and Haya peoples each have a population exceeding 1 million.  : page 4 Approximately 99 per cent of Tanzanians are of native African descent, with small numbers of Arab, European, and Asian descent.  The majority of Tanzanians, including the Sukuma and the Nyamwezi, are Bantu. 
The population also includes people of Arab and Indian origin, and small European and Chinese communities.  Many also identify as Shirazis. Thousands of Arabs and Indians were massacred during the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964.  As of 1994, the Asian community numbered 50,000 on the mainland and 4,000 on Zanzibar. An estimated 70,000 Arabs and 10,000 Europeans lived in Tanzania. 
Some albinos in Tanzania have been the victims of violence in recent years.     Attacks are often to hack off the limbs of albinos in the perverse superstitious belief that possessing the bones of albinos will bring wealth. The country has banned witch doctors to try to prevent the practice, but it has continued and albinos remain targets. 
According to 2010 Tanzanian government statistics, the total fertility rate in Tanzania was 5.4 children born per woman, with 3.7 in urban mainland areas, 6.1 in rural mainland areas, and 5.1 in Zanzibar.  : page 55 For all women aged 45–49, 37.3 per cent had given birth to eight or more children, and for currently married women in that age group, 45.0 per cent had given birth to that many children.  : page 61
Official statistics on religion are unavailable because religious surveys were eliminated from government census reports after 1967.  Tanzania's religious field is dominated by Christianity and Islam as well as of different African Traditional Religions connected to ethnic customs. The word for religion in Swahili, dini, generally apply to the world religions of Christianity and Islam meaning that followers of African Traditional Religions are consider to be of "no religion". Religious belonging is often ambiguous, with some people adhering to multiple religious identities at the same time (for instance being Christian but also following African Traditional rituals) something which point to that religious boundaries are flexible and contextual. 
According to a 2014 estimate by the CIA World Factbook, 61.4% of the population was Christian, 35.2% was Muslim, 1.8% practised traditional African religions, 1.4% were unaffiliated with any religion, and 0.2% followed other religions. Nearly the entire population of Zanzibar is Muslim.  Of Muslims, 16% are Ahmadiyya, 20% are non-denominational Muslims, 40% are Sunni, 20 per cent are Shia, and 4% are Sufi. 
Within the Christian community the Roman Catholic Church is the largest denomination (51% all Christians).  Among the Protestants, the large number of Lutherans and Moravians points to the German missionary past of the country, while the number of Anglicans point to the British missionary history of Tanganyika. A growing number have adopted Pentecostalism, and Adventists likewise have an increasing presence because of external missionary activities from Scandinavia and the United States, especially during the first part of the 20th century.  All of them have had some influence in varying degrees from the Walokole movement (East African Revival), which has also been fertile ground for the spread of charismatic and Pentecostal groups. 
There are also active communities of other religious groups, primarily on the mainland, such as Buddhists, Hindus, and Bahá'ís. 
More than 100 languages are spoken in Tanzania, making it the most linguistically diverse country in East Africa.  Among the languages spoken are all four of Africa's language families: Bantu, Cushitic, Nilotic, and Khoisan.  There are no de jure official languages in Tanzania. 
Swahili is used in parliamentary debate, in the lower courts, and as a medium of instruction in primary school. English is used in foreign trade, in diplomacy, in higher courts, and as a medium of instruction in secondary and higher education,  The Tanzanian government, however, has plans to discontinue English as a language of instruction.  In connection with his Ujamaa social policies, President Nyerere encouraged the use of Swahili to help unify the country's many ethnic groups.  Approximately 10 per cent of Tanzanians speak Swahili as a first language, and up to 90 per cent speak it as a second language.  Many educated Tanzanians are trilingual, also speaking English.    The widespread use and promotion of Swahili is contributing to the decline of smaller languages in the country.   Young children increasingly speak Swahili as a first language, particularly in urban areas.  Ethnic community languages (ECL) other than Kiswahili are not allowed as a language of instruction. Nor are they taught as a subject, though they might be used unofficially in some cases in initial education. Television and radio programmes in an ECL are prohibited, and it is nearly impossible to get permission to publish a newspaper in an ECL. There is no department of local or regional African Languages and Literatures at the University of Dar es Salaam. 
The Sandawe people speak a language that may be related to the Khoe languages of Botswana and Namibia, while the language of the Hadzabe people, although it has similar click consonants, is arguably a language isolate.  The language of the Iraqw people is Cushitic. 
In 2012, the literacy rate in Tanzania for persons aged 15 and over was estimated to be 67.8 per cent.  Education is compulsory until children reach age 15.  In 2010, 74.1 per cent of children age 5 to 14 years were attending school.  The primary school completion rate was 80.8 per cent in 2012. 
As of 2012 [update] , life expectancy at birth was 61 years.  The under-five mortality rate in 2012 was 54 per 1,000 live births.  The maternal mortality rate in 2013 was estimated at 410 per 100,000 live births.  Prematurity and malaria were tied in 2010 as the leading cause of death in children under 5 years old.  The other leading causes of death for these children were, in decreasing order, malaria, diarrhoea, HIV, and measles. 
Malaria in Tanzania causes death and disease and has a "huge economic impact".  : page 13 There were approximately 11.5 million cases of clinical malaria in 2008.  : page 12 In 2007–08, malaria prevalence among children aged 6 months to 5 years was highest in the Kagera Region (41.1 per cent) on the western shore of Lake Victoria and lowest in the Arusha Region (0.1 per cent).  : page 12
According to the 2010 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey 2010, 15 per cent of Tanzanian women had undergone female genital mutilation (FGM)  : page 295 and 72 per cent of Tanzanian men had been circumcised.  : page 230 FGM is most common in the Manyara, Dodoma, Arusha, and Singida regions and nonexistent in Zanzibar.  : page 296 The prevalence of male circumcision was above 90 per cent in the eastern  (Dar es Salaam, Pwani, and Morogoro regions), northern (Kilimanjaro, Tanga, Arusha, and Manyara regions), and central areas (Dodoma and Singida regions) and below 50 per cent only in the southern highlands zone (Mbeya, Iringa, and Rukwa regions).  : pages 6, 230
2012 data showed that 53 per cent of the population used improved drinking water sources (defined as a source that "by nature of its construction and design, is likely to protect the source from outside contamination, in particular from faecal matter") and 12 per cent used improved sanitation facilities (defined as facilities that "likely hygienically separates human excreta from human contact" but not including facilities shared with other households or open to public use). 
Women and men have equality before the law.  The government signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1985.  Nearly 3 out of ten females reported having experienced sexual violence before the age of 18.  The prevalence of female genital mutilation has decreased.  School girls are reinstated back to school after delivery.  The Police Force administration strives to separate the Gender Desks from normal police operations to enhance confidentiality of the processing of women victims of abuse.  Most of the abuses and violence against women and children occurs at the family level.  The Constitution of Tanzania requires that women to constitute at least 30% of all elected members of National Assembly.  The gender differences in education and training have implications later in life of these women and girls.  Unemployment is higher for females than for males.  The right of a female employee to maternity leave is guaranteed in labour law. 
Tanzania's literary culture is primarily oral.  : page 68 Major oral literary forms include folktales, poems, riddles, proverbs, and songs.  : page 69 The greatest part of Tanzania's recorded oral literature is in Swahili, even though each of the country's languages has its own oral tradition.  : pages 68–9 The country's oral literature has been declining because of the breakdown of the multigenerational social structure, making transmission of oral literature more difficult, and because increasing modernisation has been accompanied by the devaluation of oral literature.  : page 69
Books in Tanzania are often expensive and hard to come by.  : page 75  : page 16 Most Tanzanian literature is in Swahili or English.  : page 75 Major figures in Tanzanian written literature include Shaaban Robert (considered the father of Swahili literature), Muhammed Saley Farsy, Faraji Katalambulla, Adam Shafi Adam, Muhammed Said Abdalla, Said Ahmed Mohammed Khamis, Mohamed Suleiman Mohamed, Euphrase Kezilahabi, Gabriel Ruhumbika, Ebrahim Hussein, May Materru Balisidya, Fadhy Mtanga, Abdulrazak Gurnah, and Penina O. Mlama.  : pages 76–8
Painting and sculpture Edit
Two Tanzanian art styles have achieved international recognition.  : p. 17 The Tingatinga school of painting, founded by Edward Said Tingatinga, consists of brightly coloured enamel paintings on canvas, generally depicting people, animals, or daily life.  : p. 113  : p. 17 After Tingatinga's death in 1972, other artists adopted and developed his style, with the genre now being the most important tourist-oriented style in East Africa.  : p. 113  : p. 17
Historically, there were limited opportunities for formal European art training in Tanzania and many aspiring Tanzanian artists left the country to pursue their vocation.  : p. 17
Football is very popular throughout the country.  The most popular professional football clubs in Dar es Salaam are the Young Africans F.C. and Simba S.C.  The Tanzania Football Federation is the governing body for football in the country.
Other popular sports include basketball, netball, boxing, volleyball, athletics, and rugby.   The National Sports Council also known as Baraza la Michezo la Taifa is the governing body for sports in the country under the Ministry of Information, Youth, Sports and Culture. 
Tanzania has a popular film industry known as "Bongo Movie". The music industry is known as "Bongo Flava" which is in itself also a niche genre of music in Tanzania.
Namibia rejects German compensation offer over colonial violence
Namibia has rejected a German offer of compensation for the mass murder of tens of thousands of indigenous people more than a century ago.
German occupiers in Namibia almost destroyed the Herero and Nama peoples between 1904 and 1908 as they consolidated their rule in the new colony in south-west Africa. Some historians have described the bloodshed as the first genocide of the 20th century.
The two countries have been discussing an agreement on an official apology from Germany and an increase in development aid, but the talks appear now to be running out of momentum.
Namibia’s president, Hage Geingob, said on Tuesday that the most recent offer “for reparations made by the German government … is not acceptable” and needed to be “revised”.
No details were provided on Berlin’s proposal, but unconfirmed media reports have referred to a sum of €10m.
The row comes at a time of broader reassessment of Africa’s colonial history and the suffering inflicted by European powers on populations across the continent. Partly inspired by the Black Lives Matter movement, there have been steps to remove monuments to colonialists that remain in many cities and to change names of streets.
Other countries in Africa are watching the negotiations between Namibia and Germany closely as they consider launching their own efforts to gain compensation for the violence and theft of decades of European rule.
Ruprecht Polenz, the German government’s special envoy for the negotiations, did not deny that his side’s offer had been rejected. “What matters is that the negotiations are ongoing, and I am still optimistic that a solution can be found,” he said. “Germany wants to live up to its moral and political responsibility.”
The German government is reluctant to use the word “reparations” in a declaration accompanying any agreement with the Namibian government because of concerns that such a statement could provide a legal blueprint for future restitution claims from Poland, Greece or Italy relating to crimes during the second world war.
A Namibian official involved in the negotiations said Germany had proposed an alternative description of cash payments as “healing the wounds”.
Polenz said: “For us this is not a legal question but a political and moral question.”
Germany was relatively late to acquire African colonies, but in 1884 as European powers scrambled to carve up the continent, Berlin moved to annex a colony on the south-west coast. Land was confiscated, livestock plundered, and native people were subjected to racially motivated violence, rape and murder.
In January 1904 the Herero people – also called the Ovaherero – rebelled. The smaller Nama tribe joined the uprising the following year.
In response, colonial rulers forced tens of thousands of Herero into the Kalahari desert, their wells poisoned and food supplies cut. Others were rounded up and placed in concentration camps. Half of the Nama population also died, many in disease-ridden death camps such as the infamous site on Shark Island, in the coastal town of Lüderitz.
Germany was forced out of the colony in 1915. The killings there are seen by some historians as important steps towards the Holocaust in Europe during the second world war. Namibia passed to South African rule, and gained independence in 1990.
Germany’s 29-year rule in a second colony, which eventually became Tanzania, was also bloody. Tens of thousands of people were starved, tortured and killed as colonial forces crushed rebellions.
Hussein Mwinyi, a Tanzanian government minister, told parliamentarians in February that officials were closely watching “steps taken by Kenya and Namibia governments in seeking reparations from Britain and German governments respectively”.
Other former colonial powers have been deeply reluctant to acknowledge the violence associated with their imperial history.
Belgium long refused to officially recognise the cost of its invasion and exploitation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where it is thought that about 10 million people – roughly half the population – died during its rule. Only in June did King Philippe express his “deepest regrets” for the brutality of his country’s reign over the vast, troubled state.
In 2013 the British government said it “sincerely regrets” acts of torture carried out against Kenyans fighting for liberation from colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. It said it would pay out £19.9m to 5,200 Kenyans who were found to have been tortured.
Officials in Berlin rejected the use of the word “genocide” to describe the killings of the Herero and Namaqua until July 2015, when the then foreign minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, issued a “political guideline” indicating that the massacre should be referred to as “a war crime and a genocide”.
UK and international donors suspend Tanzania aid after corruption claims
Donors to Tanzania’s general budget support programme include the UK, Canada, Denmark, the European commission, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Japan, Norway, Sweden and the World Bank. Photograph: Daniel Hayduk/AFP
Donors to Tanzania’s general budget support programme include the UK, Canada, Denmark, the European commission, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Japan, Norway, Sweden and the World Bank. Photograph: Daniel Hayduk/AFP
Last modified on Thu 15 Oct 2020 14.35 BST
International donors have suspended nearly $500m (£311m) in budget support to Tanzania in response to claims that senior government officials siphoned off funds from the country’s central bank under the guise of energy contracts.
The chair of Tanzania’s public accounts committee, Zitto Kabwe, said several high-ranking officials colluded with corrupt businessmen to transfer $122m from a holding account in the central bank to private accounts overseas.
A group of 12 funders, including the UK’s Department for International Development (DfID), have given Tanzania $69m for general budget support so far this year and the group has committed to contributing $559m towards the current budget.
The donors announced, however, that they would suspend further general budget support payments until more information about the scandal has been released, freezing $490m in financing.
“Disbursements have not been made because we are waiting for the controller auditor general report and the government action following that,” said Sinikka Antila, Finland’s ambassador to Tanzania and chair of the donors’ general budget support committee.
“If in the report there is misappropriation or some wrongdoing, then we want to see prudent action by the government.”
Two businessmen have been accused by Kabwe of selling mispriced electricity to the government of Tanzania over the past two decades. Kabwe’s committee is investigating the scandal.
Tanzania has struggled to generate electricity and its economy has been plagued by power shortages. Lawmakers and donors bemoan the effect of corruption on the country’s development.
“We have been having huge problems with electricity in Tanzania for the last 20 years,” said Kabwe, who is a member of parliament for Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, Tanzania’s main opposition party. “There is no story of power in Tanzania, of the energy sector in Tanzania, without corruption.”
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have long been involved in infrastructure projects in the country, with the World Bank overseeing more than $230m of financing to the country. But their willingness to work with government officials has meant that they are “becoming allies of the corrupt regime”, Kabwe said.
Donors to Tanzania’s general budget support programme include the African Development Bank (AfDB), Canada, Denmark, the European commission, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Japan, Norway, Sweden, the UK and the World Bank.
General budget support is designed to fund programmes “in accordance with the government’s development priorities”, most of which focus on poverty alleviation, according to Antila.
A DfID spokesman said: “The UK takes a zero tolerance approach to fraud and corruption. In line with other donors, we will not disburse any further budget support to Tanzania until we have considered the findings of the inquiries currently under way.”
Politicians are worried that the scandal could taint Tanzania’s political and business climate as it prepares for large-scale gas production in the coming years.
“It’s about the credibility of the country before the eyes of the international community and international investors, but also the impunity that public officials can be involved in corrupt deals and the prime minister will stand up and defend them,” Kabwe said.
“This is the right time to fight and set very strong deterrent measures against corruption, because if we don’t do this now, the moment we start to receive a lot of gas revenues … we are going to have a big problem.”
This article was updated on 15 October 2014 to include a statement from the UK’s Department for International Development
Countries Represented at the Berlin Conference
Fourteen countries were represented by a plethora of ambassadors when the conference opened in Berlin on November 15, 1884. The countries represented at the time included Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden-Norway (unified from 1814 to 1905), Turkey, and the United States of America. Of these 14 nations, France, Germany, Great Britain, and Portugal were the major players in the conference, controlling most of colonial Africa at the time.
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